





THE 



HARITY SCHOOL 
MOVEMENT 



IN 



Colonial Pennsylvania 



THESIS 

Presented to the Faculty of Philosophy of the 
University of Pennsylvania 

By Samuel Edwin Weber 

In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the 
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 



PRESS OF 

George F. Lasher 

PHILADELPHIA 



THE 



CHARITY SCHOOL 
MOVEMENT 



IN 



COLONIAL PENNSYLVANIA 



THESIS 

Presented to the Faculty of Philosophy of the 
University of Pennsylvania 

By Samuel Edwin Weber 

In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the 
Degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 



PRESS OF 

George F. Lasher 

PHILADELPHIA 









•\/-i5- 



The Uni v e 



; PREFACE. 

The history of the Charity School Movement has here- 
tofore been related in connection with biographical sketches, 
in which the subject of the biography was more or less 
closely identified with the movement. The same may, with 
equal justice, be said of the discussions of the movement 
to be found in the various church histories. Such presen- 
tations of the subject must of necessity be incomplete. In 
many instances the facts are interpreted in the manner most 
favorable to the subject of the biography or to the church 
whose history is written. It is needless to say that no 
such interest enters into the present discussion of the move- 
ment. While the secondary sources have in no way been 
neglected, the aim has been to cite, as far as possible, the 
original sources only. In consequence, the references to 
secondary sources apply only to the original material to 
be found therein. The personal opinions set forth in the 
secondary sources have in nowise affected the conclusions 
arrived at in this treatise. The purpose of this disserta- 
tion is to present the material on the subject in a synthetic 
form and to arrive at the conclusions in the light of the 
facts presented. 

The most helpful works on the subject are : "The Life 
of Rev. William Smith," by Horace Wemyss Smith; Har- 
baugh's "Life of Michael Schlatter;" "Haflesche Nachrich- 
ten," in two volumes, and Prof. W. J. Hinke's article, 
"Michael Schlatter," in the Pennsylvania German. 

An effort has been made to avoid foot notes. Foot refer- 
ences to authorities are omitted altogether. The bibliography 
is arranged in alphabetical order, and each authority cited 
is numbered accordingly. For the purpose of ready verifi- 
cations of the authorities cited, the number of the authority 
is first given, and immediately after, in case there is more 
than one reference to an author, the page of the particular 
citation is also given. After each source given in the 



bibliography appear the numbers of all the pages in a work 
to which reference has been made. The numbers enclosed 
in brackets refer to the page or pages of this treatise where 
the citation of the author occurs. 

The writer feels under obligation to thank all those who 
have aided him in any way in this work. He owes a special 
obligation to Prof. W. J. Hinke for his suggestions of new 
original sources and for the use of such original sources 
as are in his possession. 

For his constant assistance and encouragement, for the 
privilege of using his private library in which copies of 
almost all the Saur imprints are to be found, the writer 
takes this opportunity to thank Prof. Martin G. Brumbaugh, 
of this University. 

SAMUEL EDWIN WEBER. 

University of Pennsylvania, 

Philadelphia, Pa., April 14, 1905. 



CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER I. INTRODUCTION. 

Pages, 

i. Causes of German Immigration 7-8 

2. Their Settlements, Occupations and Characteristics. . 8-1 1 

3. Citizenship n-13 

4. Intellectual Qualifications 13-15 

5. Penn's Provision for Education 15 

6. Education Provided by the Church 15-16 

7. Saur's Description of the Status of Provincial Schools 

and Schoolmasters 17-19 

8. Ludwig Haecker 19 

9. Christopher Dock 19-20 

10. The German Press 20-21 

11. Moravian Activities 21 

12. Inadequacy of Educational Provisions 21-22 

CHAPTER II. THE RELATION OF THE SOCIETY FOR 
THE PROPAGATION OF CHRISTIAN 
KNOWLEDGE AMONG THE GER- 
MANS IN PENNSYLVANIA TO THE 
CHARITY SCHOOLS. 

1. The Mission of Rev. Michael Schlatter 23 

2. His Appeal to the Synod in Holland 23-24 

3. The Immediate Effect of the Appeal 24 

4. David Thomson and the Church of Scotland 24-26 

5. The London Society 26 

6. Provost William Smith's Relation to the London 

Society 26-29 

7. Financial Support of the Society 29-30 

CHAPTER III. THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHAR- 
ITY SCHOOL SYSTEM. 

1. Dr. Smith's General Plan for the Establishment of 

Charity Schools 31-32 

2. The Appointment of Trustees-General in Pennsyl- 

vania ; 32 

3. Schlatter Appointed Superintendent of Schools 32 

4. Action of the Trustees-General 32-33 

5. Attitude of the Various German Elements in Penn- 

sylvania to the System 33-35 



6 

Pages. 

6. The Influence and Cause of Influence of the Two 

Christopher Saurs 35-39 

7. Graphic Table Showing the Annual Number of Ger- 

man Imprints (172S-177S) 37 

8. Efforts of the London Society to Counteract Saur's 

Influence 39-4° 

9. Complete Plan of the Charity School System 40-44 

10. Schools Established .• 44-47 

11. Dr. Smith Honored by the University of Oxford 47~48 

12. Schlatter Resigns as Superintendent 48 

13. Aid Given to Calvinist and Lutheran Ministers 48-49 

14. Relation of Presbyterians to the Charity School Move- 

ment 49-51 

CHAPTER IV. FAILURE AND THE CAUSES OF FAIL- 
URE. 

1. Cause of Schlatter's Resignation 52 

2. Pennsylvania, a Complex of Divers Nationalities ; the 

War Party v 5^-53 

3. Letter of Christopher Saur ". . 53-54 

4. Efforts of Conrad Weiser and Christopher Saur, Jr., 

to Restore Confidence in the Movement 54-55 

5. The College and Academy of the City of Philadel- 

phia 55-57 

6. Minor Causes of Failure 58-60 

7. Principal Causes Involving Nationality, Language 

and Religion 60-62 

8. Conclusion "62-64 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 65-74 



INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER. 

The influence of the Italian Renaissance manifested itself 
among the nations of Germanic origin in a deep religious 
feeling whose outcome was the Reformation (6c):28ff). No 
sooner had the Lutheran and the Reformed faiths received 
equal recognition with the Catholic through the Treaty of 
Westphalia, in 1648, than the adherents of these faiths, 
still the subjects of persecution by the Roman Church, 
turned upon- and persecuted those Protestants known as 
non-conformists, who, as yet, had no ecclesiastical organiza- 
tions. Of these there were a great many towards the close 
of the 17th century, including in their number Mennonites, 
Schwenkfelders, Pietists and Mystics (53 :3^ ) • By the be- 
ginning of the 18th century other sects came under the 
same ban. This persecution, instead of lessening, served 
only to increase the number of these dissenters. These 
unfortunate people thus became the victims of a double 
persecution — by Catholics and Protestants alike. The ad- 
herents of unorganized religious movements were at the 
mercy of one branch or other of the organized churches 
and were made to suffer for cherishing the same hope and 
striving to promulgate the same principles of truer, purer 
and holier living that animated their persecutors. William 
Penn visited these people in the Rhine Valley and in 
adjacent principalities in 1671, and again in 1677. Being 
■ himself persecuted on account of his religious tenets, he 
could preach to the inhabitants of Kriegsheim, Worms, 
Dreisburg, Duisburg, Crefeld, Emden and Westphalia the 
gospel of brotherly sympathy. Many warm friendships and 
religious attachments resulted from these visits. In 1681, 
when William Penn received from Charles II the territory, 
the major portion of what is now Pennsylvania and all of 
Delaware, translations of "An Account of the Province" 
were circulated through the Netherlands and the Rhine 
Valley in 1681 and 1683, respectively (53:14). Penn, 
naturally, founded his province as an asylum for the op- 
pressed, a place where absolute religious and civil freedom 
was granted to all. An immediate invitation was extended 
to the Mennonites of Crefeld and vicinity to seek a refuge 
in Pennsylvania (31:29). In October, 1683, thirteen Ger- 
man Mennonite families landed in Philadelphia and at once, 



8 

under the leadership of Francis Daniel Pastorius, settled 
Germantown (31:31). "This guarantee of religious and 
civil freedom and equality, like the stroke of a magic wand, 
called into lusty life the young giant of German immigra- 
tion," says Professor Seidensticker (53:3). Subsequent 
waves of German immigration were due largely to the 
same cause. Dr. Jacobs (i8:i37f) sums up the facts of 
the whole movement of German immigration when he says : 
"Pennsylvania, we believe, became a favorite of German 
emigrants because of the religious principles embodied in 
its laws. These were, first, the clear recognition of Chris- 
tianity as the basis of the government, and, secondly, the 
toleration granted, within certain limits, for various forms 
of Christianity. The fact that the German emigration pro- 
ceeded in clearly marked waves, according to diverse de- 
nominations and sects, beginning with those most persecuted 
in Europe, and thus proceeding to those where the religious 
restraints in the mother country were more a matter of 
annoyance than of persecution, supports this opinion." 
From a letter* of Christopher Saur (47), dated the 15th 
of March, 1755, it may safely be inferred that favorable 
reports of the immigrants to their friends and acquaintances 
in Europe constituted another strong cause of the German 
influx. 

There is no question that some Germans had settled in 
Pennsylvania prior to the settlement of Germantown (10: 
10), but these are in nowise connected with German im- 
migration proper, having been absorbed by either Dutch, 
Swedish or English civilizations (53:2). 

From the time of the settlement of Germantown up to 
1720 the German settlers were most largely composed of 
Mennonites, Mystics and Dunkers (54 :iff). The Lutherans' 
and the Reformed had a few settlements, but the large body 
of them came after that date (53:75). The Schwenkf elders 
(20:35) and Moravians belong to a later wave of immigra- 
tion ; the former arriving in 1734, the latter in 1741 (35 :8i). 

The earlier German settlements were confined to western 
Montgomery, northern Chester, eastern Berks and the broad 
plains of Lancaster and York counties. The counties of 
Northampton, Lehigh, Lebanon, Dauphin and Adams were 
settled subsequently (52:233^. 

We have no definite record of the number of Germans 
that were in Pennsylvania prior to 1727. This number 



* Original in possession of Dr. Martin G. Brumbaugh. 



should include those who came into our borders as a result 
of the early Swedish settlements on the Delaware, the in- 
fluxes from Manhattan and Long Island, N. Y. (io:io5f), 
and from the Schoharie Valley, N. Y. (9:282), as well as 
those who came here directly from Europe. Two recent and 
authoritative investigators of the problem of early German 
immigration, Diffenderffer (10:102) and Kuhn (21:55), 
estimate the approximate number to be 20,000 before 1727. 
In 1727 the Pennsylvania Assembly, becoming alarmed 
at the large army of Germans that were coming over, passed 
an act requiring all male ship passengers above the age of 
sixteen to take this oath of allegiance : "We Subscribers, 
Natives and late Inhabitants of the Palatinate upon the 
Rhine and Places adjacent, having transported ourselves 
and Families into this Province of Pensilvania, a Colony 
subject to the Crown of Great Britain, in Hopes and Ex- 
pectation of finding a Retreat and peaceable Settlement 
therein, Do Solemnly promise and Engage, that We will 
be faithful and bear true Allegiance to his present 
MAJESTY KING GEORGE THE SECOND, and his 
Successors Kings of Great Britain, and will be faithful to 
the Proprietor of this Province; And that we will demean 
ourselves peaceably to all His said Majesties Subjects, and 
strictly observe and conform to the Laws of England and 
of this Province, to the utmost of our Power and best of 
our understanding" (62:283). The lists of oath-takers, 
together with the original ship registers make it possible 
to determine the annual increase of German settlers in 
Pennsylvania (36:49-419). Including the estimate of 20,- 
000, we have, up to the year 1755, about 80,000 German 
inhabitants in Pennsylvania (29:7-451). With the year 
1749 these numbers reached their maximum. The records 
show that more than 7,000 came over in that year alone. 
The only previous year that will bear comparison with 
1749 and the years immediately following, is 1738, when 
about 3,500 German immigrants arrived. A study of Rupp's 
"Thirty Thousand Names" discloses the fact that these 
immigrants came from various German localities. Prior 
to 1742 (36:49-152), all ships carrying immigrants in- 
cluded in their number passengers from the Palatinate. 
After that date they were characterized in Pennsylvania as 
"Foreigners or Strangers" from Swabia, Wurtemberg, 
Mannheim, Darmstadt, etc. Among these immigrants were 
many French Huguenots who had fled from France into 
various parts of Germany on account of religious persecu- 



10 

tion. Many of these had already adopted German names 
and the German language (60:361). 

It is a singular fact in colonial history that Germans 
settled in New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Maine, 
Virginia, Maryland, the Carolinas, Georgia and Pennsyl- 
vania, but nowhere did they settle in such large numbers 
and, therefore, did not become such an influential factor in 
molding the civilization, and determining state policies as 
in Pennsylvania. By the middle of the 18th century the 
German population exceeded more than one-third of the 
State's total number of inhabitants (56:6). The reason 
for their selection of Pennsylvania in preference to any 
other colony has already been indicated, partially. Not 
only did Penn's Frame of Government guarantee to these 
Germans freedom of religious conscience and civil equality 
such as no other province offered, but the soil and the 
climate (22:14a) were better adapted to the needs of an 
agricultural people, to which class the majority of these 
colonists belonged (10:118). Gabriel Thomas, in 1697, 
wrote this description of Pennsylvania : "The Air here is 
very delicate, pleasant, and wholsom; the Heavens serene, 
rarely overcast, bearing mighty resemblance to the better 
part of France; after Rain they have commonly a very 
clear Sky, the Climate is something Colder in the depth 
of Winter, and Hotter in the height of Summer ; (the cause 
of which is its being a Main Land or Continent ; the Days 
also are two Hours longer in the shortest Day in Winter, 
and shorter by two Hours in the longest Day of Summer) 
than here in England, which makes the Fruit so good, and 
the Earth so fertil" (63:9^). Those who in Germany had 
learned such trades as glass-blowing, baking, or any form 
of mechanical labor for which there was little demand in 
Pennsylvania at this early date, were thus offered the best 
alternative. 

Incessant wars had made the great majority of these im- 
migrants poor. Many had neither houses, lands, nor other 
possessions. Others suffered the greatest want and pov- 
erty (40:2). Those who left their fatherland in well-to-do 
circumstances were reduced to beggary before reaching 
Philadelphia. They became the prey of ship captains, ship 
owners, sailors and passengers, who stole their money and 
their goods (46). "Then with no more worldly posses- 
sions," says Professor McMaster, "than the clothes he had 
on his back, and a few coins and a copy of the Heidelberg 
Catechism he had in his pockets, he was at liberty to 



II 

earn the best living he could, save a few pounds, buy ten or 
twenty acres of forest land, make a clearing and begin to 
farm" (23:557). Here they lived in contentment. There 
was no soldiery to meet them at every corner to compel 
villainage. No exorbitant taxes were to be borne. A 
mild government permitted them to enjoy the fruits of 
their own labor without molestation. Their log cabins 
were to them the equals of the stately palaces of many a 
German nobleman (40:2). On the 9th of May, 1753, 
Franklin, in a letter to Peter Collinson, compares the Ger- 
man laborer with the English : "When any of them (the 
English) happen to come here, where labor is much better 
paid than in England, their industry seems to diminish in 
equal proportion. But it is not so with the German la- 
borers; they retain their habitual industry and frugality 
they bring with them, and, receiving higher wages, an ac- 
cumulation arises that makes them all rich" (59:66). 

William Smith (57:220), the first Provost of the Uni- 
versity of Pennsylvania, placed the total population of the 
State, in 1759, at 250,000. One-tenth of these were ad- 
herents of the Church of England, one-fifth were Quakers, 
60,000 were English Anabaptists, English, Scotch and 
Irish Presbyterians, Covenanters, and the remainder, with 
the exception of a few English and Irish Catholics, were 
Germans. These Germans at first, by tradition and by 
reason of persecution in the fatherland, naturally abstained 
from participating in governmental affairs and devoted 
themselves to such peaceful occupations as the agricul- 
tural and textile industries (53.61). The contests lay be- 
tween a war governor and the assembly composed most 
largely of peace-loving Quakers. About 1750, when it 
became a question as to whether the Quakers could 
maintain control of the government in opposition to the 
increasing war party, the Germans, warned by their 
printer, Christopher Saur, of the danger of a repetition of 
the miseries they suffered through wars in the fatherland, 
went to the polls and threw the balance on the side of the 
Quakers (56:29). This act of the Germans made them the 
objects of reproach and misrepresentation by some of the 
leaders of the advocates of State equipment for war. 
Franklin (59:72) expressed fear for the prevailing lan- 
guage and government. Smith expressed himself as being 
afraid that the Germans would unite with the French to 
eject all the English inhabitants (56:31). He suggests 
that the only way to prevent the occurrence of such mis- 



12 

fortunes is to educate the Germans to enable them to ap- 
preciate their true interests. "Give them faithful Protes- 
tant Ministers and Schoolmasters," says he, "to warn them 
against the horrors of Popish slavery ; to teach them sound 
principles of government, to instruct their children in the 
English tongue, and the value of those privileges to which 
they are born among us" (56:34). Parliament is advised 
to pass a law: (1) denying the right of suffrage to the 
Germans for twenty years until they have a sufficient 
knowledge of the English language and the State consti- 
tution ; (2) making all bonds, contracts, wills, and other 
legal writings void unless in the English tongue ; (3) forbid- 
ding the printing and circulation of newspapers, almanacs, 
or any other periodical paper in a foreign language 
( 5 6: 4 iff). 

These charges were brought to the notice of the Ger- 
man inhabitants, and they resented the imputation of dis- 
loyalty to the proprietary government or to the British 
Crown. They remembered having taken the oath of al- 
legiance when they arrived in Philadelphia. As early as 
1706, we read that one hundred and fifty Germans, who 
had been twenty-two years in the country, were natural- 
ized by the Provincial Council upon their petition (54:3). 
Again, in 1740, when an act of Parliament was passed for 
"naturalizing such Foreign Protestants as were settled or 
should settle in any of his Majesty's Colonies in America," 
those German Protestants who had lived in the province 
for a period of seven years, without having been absent 
from the province for a longer period than two months at 
any one time, and who produced certificates of having par- 
taken of the Lord's Supper in some Protestant or Re- 
formed congregation in the Province within three months, 
took and subscribed the oaths and became "natural born" 
subjects of Great Britain. This act was in force from 1740 
to 1773 (30:347). In a letter to the Bishop of Exeter, 
dated April 23, 1748, Governor Thomas, who had been 
Governor of Pennsylvania from 1738 to 1746, bears the 
following testimony of the Palatines settled in Pennsylva- 
nia: "The Germans in that province are I believe three- 
fifths of the whole people, and by their Industry and Fru- 
gality have been the principal Instruments of raising it to 
its present flourishing condition beyond any of His Ma- 
jesty's Colonys in North America. They all take the 
Oaths of Allegiance to the King of Great Britain in the 
presence of the Governor before they are permitted to 



13 

make a settlement, and as far as I am capable of judging 
from nine years' residence in that Country, are like to 
continue as true to His Majesty and as useful to the British 
Nation as any of His Majesty's natural born Subjects" 
( 3 2:2 5 6f). _ 

The charge of secret conspiracy against the King and 
the State government cut these German Protestants to the 
quick. They maintained silence until November 20, 1754, 
when they issued an Address to Lieutenant-Governor Mor- 
ris (30:686ff), assuring him of their continued loyalty to 
the Crown and to the State government. They declare 
that the charge is very hard "to a number of people against 
which no such Accusation can be aledged with justice, and 
against which, in general, not one single instance can be 
proved of any Disloyalty, much less of any Conspirace 
against our beloved King George and the Country we live 
in. * * * And being very well acquainted with the Senti- 
ments of a considerable number of German Protestants, 
Inhabitants of this Province, who all unanimously agree 
to all what is above said, excepting a few ignorant unman- 
nerly People lately come amongst us, it makes us the more 
free to lay the Case thus open before your Honour." The 
address is signed by about three hundred of their number, 
among whom appear the names of Michael Schlatter, 
Henry Muhlenburg, Peter Brunnholtz and Henry Antes. 
All of these men, as we shall find later on, were interested 
in the intellectual and religious welfare of their fellow 
countrymen. That the German was at least an average 
respectable citizen of the Commonwealth may be judged 
from the facts here adduced. 

Let us see what intellectual qualifications for citizen- 
ship the large body of these immigrants had. Provost 
Smith (57:36), in a letter dated December 13, 1753, to the 
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, represents the 
Germans as "utterly ignorant." Again, he (56:17) says, 
"one-half of the people are an uncultivated race of Ger- 
mans, liable to be seduced by every enterprising Jesuit, 
having almost no Protestant Clergy among them to put 
them on their Guard, and warn them against Popery." 
Franklin (59:71), in the same year, says of them, "Those 
who come hither are generally the most stupid of their own 
nation." In the same letters just referred to, these eminent 
men describe the Germans in almost the same language. 
"They import many foreign books ; and in Pennsylvania, 
have their Printing houses, their newspapers, and of late, 



14 

their bends and other legal writings, in their own lan- 
guage," says Smith (57:36). These letters seem to show 
that these men either were inconsistent in the presentation 
of facts or they confused ignorance with a lack of knowl- 
edge of the English language. The latter is probably the 
correct interpretation because Franklin (59:71^, before 
stating essentially the same facts as Smith, says, "Few of 
their children in the country know English." That they 
were not so utterly destitute of Protestant ministers, may 
be judged from Gottlieb Mittelberger's testimony. Hav- 
ing spent four years in the Province (1750- 1754) as organ- 
ist and schoolmaster, his countrymen in Pennsylvania im- 
plored him to write a true account of the condition of the 
Germans here so that their relatives and friends across the 
sea would not be deceived in coming to seek new homes 
for themselves. Among other things, he wrote, in 1755, 
"There are at present many good English, Swedish, Dutch 
and German preachers of the Lutheran and the Reformed 
churches in Pennsylvania" (24:60). 

About 75 per cent, of these early immigrants, whose 
names appear on the ship-registers, were able to write 
their own name (19). Nearly all of those who signed their 
names to the Oath of Allegiance wrote in elegant German 
script. It is to be remembered that the record of names 
included all the males among the German immigrants 
above the age of sixteen. Taking the following years as 
typical, we find these percentages of illiteracy: 

Year. Per Cent. Year. Per Cent. 

1727 2 4-46 1743 28.39 

1728 26.OO 1744 27.93 

1729 29.85 1745 

1730 22.22 1746 18.36 

1731 22.46 I747 18.57 

1732 • 23.97 1748 I7-56 

1733 23.55 1749 23.25 

1734 l6 -78 1750 28.03 

1735 24.29 1751 22.08 

1736 14-33 1752 18.30 

1737 20.47 1753 14-14 

1738 33-83 1754 17-34 

1739 42.06 

1740 31-94 Total 645.50 

1741 32.68 

1742 22.66 645.50 -z- 27 = 23.9 per cent. 

Taking into consideration (1) that Germany had been the 
battleground of contending armies for more than a cen- 



i5 

tury, (2) the prevailing illiteracy in Europe at the time and 
(3) the additional fact that the Protestant Reformation 
laid emphasis on the ability to read rather than to write, 
the percentage of illiteracy is remarkably low. 

To the Protestant the Bible was the rule of faith for each 
individual. Ability to read the Scriptures, therefore, be- 
came an indispensable requisite. The only provisions for 
education to be found in Penn's Frame of Government 
(28:6) were, "That the governor and Provincial Council 
shall erect and order all public schools, and encourage and 
reward the authors of useful sciences and laudable inven- 
tions in the said province." . . . That there be "a commit- 
tee of manners, education and arts, that all wicked and 
scandalous living may be prevented, and that youth may 
be successfully trained up in virtue and useful knowledge 
and arts." But since Penn gave to all classes of religion 
equal freedom they were permitted to teach their children 
in the manner they thought best. Education was thus 
vested in the hands of the Church and the religious motive 
predominated in the educational activity in Pennsylvania 
throughout the eighteenth century. The German was no 
exception to the rule. Prior to 1739 there were few Ger- 
man books published in the colony. As a consequence, 
books had to be imported (22 :24a). The demand for books 
was great (57:36). Those most sought for were the Bible, 
the Catechism, the Testament, the Prayer Book and the 
Hymn Book (8:182). These were furnished by religious 
societies in Germany and Holland. Societies in Switzer- 
land, Holland and Germany supplied those of the Re- 
formed (13:160) faith; the Institution at Halle, the Luther- 
ans (22:24a); the Dunkers in Germany raised by subscrip- 
tion a sum of money to purchase religious books and dis- 
perse them among their poor friends in Pennsylvania. 
Other denominations were equally solicitous. The effort 
of the Dunkers is of special merit because of the fact that 
a part of the funds raised was to be expended for a print- 
ing-press to be sent to Pennsylvania for the purpose of 
publishing religious books, a certain number of which 
were to be distributed among the poor Germans gratui- 
tously (64:271). The history of this printing-press will be 
noticed later on. 

Among the earlier immigrants there were ministers of 
the Gospel and some schoolmasters (38:7). Many school- 
masters who were dissatisfied with their condition in Ger- 
many came to Pennsylvania in the hope of improving their 



i6 

lot. In the fall of 1749 as many as twelve arrived (22:432a). 
Some of these came along with groups belonging to a par- 
ticular religious denomination, their function being to in- 
struct young and old for the success of the Gospel (37:440). 
It was a common occurrence where people lived in thickly 
settled communities to find in the schools as many as five 
different religious faiths. Where a teacher used common 
sense, he taught the children to read in such books as they 
brought with them (41:25). Wherever such teacher had 
opportunity to impart religious truths, applicable to all, 
sensible patrons took no offense. It was frequently the 
case where a community could not afford to support both 
a schoolmaster and a minister, that the duties of both were 
vested in one person (12:10). In many instances the 
schoolmaster preceded the minister and prepared the way 
for him. The Lutheran churches in Germany and the 
Reformed churches of Switzerland and Holland had been 
accustomed to engage a minister and a teacher (37:4400. 
Each congregation was a religious unit in which the in- 
struction was carried on by these two functionaries. Both 
received a stated salary and were provided with a home 
and a place of instruction. When these denominations 
established churches in Pennsylvania they carried on the 
same plan, so far as their funds would warrant it. Wher- 
ever there was a church, it was the practice to plant a 
school. This was under the immediate supervision of the 
minister and proved a valuable auxiliary to the church 
(61 :59f). It was a parochial system, i. e., secular and re- 
ligious instruction were not yet divorced. In the report 
of May 2 1st, 1744, in the "Hallesche Nachrichten," Messrs. 
Schaum and Kurtz (22:88a) are recognized as catechists 
and schoolteachers for the Lutheran congregations in 
Philadelphia, New Hanover, Providence and Germantown. 
They were to teach the youths of the different congrega- 
tions reading, writing, arithmetic and other common 
school studies, but "especially the Christian faith in har- 
mony with the Holy Scriptures and the Lutheran Cate- 
chism, etc." Upon the request of the minister in charge 
they were at stated times to preach and give catechetical 
instruction and perform all those duties faithfully and dili- 
gently which otherwise devolve on a catechist and school- 
teacher. Some of the other duties were: to lead the sing- 
ing, play the organ and officiate at funerals in the absence 
of the minister (68:i4of). 

The educational facilities for the Germans in Pennsyl- 



17 

vania prior to 1752 are clearly described in Saur's (41 :24f) 
Almanac for that year, in a conversation between a settler 
who had arrived in Pennsylvania the previous year and 
an old inhabitant, who is presumably Saur himself: 

"New-Comer. A matter that is of very great impor- 
tance to me is, that, in Germany, one is able to send his 
children to school to have them instructed in reading and 
writing. Here it is well nigh impossible to get such in- 
struction; especially, where people live so far apart. O, 
how fortunate are they who have access to a good teacher 
by whom the children are well taught and trained! 

"Inhabitant. It is true. On that account many children 
living on our frontiers grow up like trees. But since the 
conditions are such that few people live in cities and vil- 
lages as they do in Germany, it is natural that one meets 
with certain inconveniences. Where is there a place in 
this world where one does not meet with some objection- 
able features during his natural life? 

"New-Comer. But this is an exceptional want, for if 
children are thus brought up in ignorance it is an injury 
to their soul's welfare, — an eternal injury. 

"Inhabitant. That is true, but how few good schoolmas- 
ters there are ! I myself have had many and known many, 
but few good ones have I seen. Yet, I remember two, in 
my life-time, who had many good qualities. The one spent 
most of his time in secret prayer and heartfelt sighing that 
God might direct and keep the hearts and minds of his 
pupils. He taught them their letters faithfully. He ob- 
served also their natural dispositions. If he found the 
child vain, then he would praise it so that it learned its 
lessons fairly well. He would promise that it should yet 
lead the class, but he asked God to take the devil's haughti- 
ness out of the child's heart, to convert it and give it the 
lowly spirit of Jesus. After it had reached the head of the 
class he would tell it alone and in private that haughtiness 
came from the Devil, but humility was a quality of Christ's 
spirit for which the child should frequently and heartily 
join him in prayer to God. Thus he kept such children in 
his love. To those who were miserly he frequently gave a 
penny when they studied diligently and if they admired 
their gift he would tell them that money was the root of 
all evil, pointing out examples to them. He described for 
them deceptive riches and the subsequent disappointment 
if man is not rich in godly things. To the voluptuous and 



"Leckermaiiler"* he sometimes gave little lumps of sugar, 
when they learned well, but he also told them that luxuri- 
ousness was a sin, that those who belonged to Christ cru- 
cified the flesh with its lusts and evil desires. He impressed 
them so earnestly with these maxims that almost all the 
pupils loved him. If any failed in the performance of duty, 
he would say: 'I no longer love you.' Then they wept 
until he comforted them. The ill-intentioned, who were 
not affected by the promise of a penny or a cooky, he 
threatened with whipping. These then studied out of fear. 
With some he had to use the rod, but in each case he en- 
deavored, first of all, to win their favor and thus secure 
obedience through love that they might not only learn 
their letters but that they might be able to seek, find and 
know Jesus himself. 

"I remember still another one who, out of the love of 
God, loved his pupils as if they all were his own children. 
They, in turn, loved him dearly. Whenever he was 
obliged to reprove the children for ill-behavior, he did so 
with grievous words coming from his wounded heart, so 
that he frequently softened their hearts; and when they 
were about to cry, tears crept into his eyes. He studied 
out many plans so that he might not need to resort to 
the rod. On going to and from school the children went 
quietly and orderly without stopping to play, throw stones, 
loiter and quarrel. The children of the poor he taught as 
willingly without pay as he taught others for pay. Those 
who learned to write, he induced to correspond with one 
another. The pupils were required to show him the let- 
ters, and he pointed out for them the places where im- 
provements should be made. He also told them that this 
was no ordinary matter. For those who could not com- 
pose a letter, he set copies so that they might apply their 
minds to good thoughts for the improvement of their 
souls. He regarded it indifferently whether he received 
the tuition fees or not, and did not treasure up for him- 
self anything but a good name and a good conscience. 

"New-Comer. Such schoolmasters are few in number, 
and here in the woods one must be satisfied if only they 
teach the children to read and write; and it is very de- 
plorable that, during the winter in severe weather, young 
and tender children cannot well be sent to schools a great 
distance from home. In the summer time one needs the 



* Dainty-mouthed. 



l 9 

children at home to work, and here in the woods the 
schools are closed during- the summer. I have often 
thought that this was a great need in this land, and I 
know of no remedy to suggest." 

The schoolmasters described by Saur have never been 
identified, but we have probable data that the former was 
the pious schoolmaster, Ludwig Haecker, who taught the 
children of the Dunkers in the house of Christopher Saur 
on each Sabbath afternoon. Shortly after his arrival in 
Ephrata, in 1739, he was appointed teacher of the com- 
mon school. "After being a short time employed in this 
responsible position, he likewise opened a school in the 
afternoon of the Sabbath; aided by some of his brethren, 
imparted instruction to the poorer class of children, who 
were kept from regular school by employments in which 
their necessities obliged them to be engaged during the 
week, as well as to give religious instruction to those of 
better circumstances" (37:294). This Sunday-school was 
established about the year 1740. Haecker deserves the 
credit not only of being an ideal pioneer schoolmaster, 
but the movement of establishing Sabbath-schools which 
he inaugurated antedates by forty years a similar move- 
ment begun by Robert Raikes in Gloucester, England. 

That the other schoolmaster whom Saur describes is 
Christopher Dock (31 igifY), who opened a school on the 
Skippack for the Mennonites as early as 1718, is evident* 
from several well determined facts. Christopher Dock 
was the teacher of Christopher Saur, Jr., who was one of 
his great admirers, and through whose solicitation Dock 
wrote his Schul-ordnung in 1750, the first book written 
and published in America on School Management. Dock 
continued his work as a schoolmaster until 1728, and 
then he went to farming for another period of ten years. 
In 1738 he resumed his former occupation, opening schools 
in Skippack and Salford, teaching three days in each al- 
ternately each week. In his Schul-ordnung he describes 
his method of teaching letter-writing as follows (11:141): 
"What now concerns the exchange of letters, it is to be 
remembered that I have for the past twelve years con- 
ducted two schools (which fact has been mentioned be- 
fore), and also for four summers (namely, during the 
three months of vacation which I enjoyed on account of 
harvest) I kept school in Germantown. The pupils in 
Skippack, when I returned again to the school in Salford, 
gave me letters to take with me. On my return the 



20 

pupils in Salford did likewise. The matter was so ar- 
ranged that the correspondents were of equal advance- 
ment. If, in the course of time, one of the correspond- 
ents excelled the other, then he would write to one whom 
he hoped to equal. The superscription was only this : My 
friendly greeting to N. N. The contents of the letter 
were a short rhyme or a selection from the Bible, to 
which was added something concerning their school exer- 
cises, what they had for a motto during the week, and 
where it was written and the like." This book is of great 
value. It gives us a true picture of a German school in 
Colonial Pennsylvania. It describes in detail how the 
children should be received into school, how they were 
taught to spell, cipher, read and write, and how they were 
disciplined. His method of discipline is of special inter- 
est. He says on this point: "Experience in keeping 
school shows that a child, which is timid, if it is pun- 
ished severely either with words or with the rod, is 
thereby more injured than benefited. If such a child is 
to be improved it must be by other means. In the same 
way a child that is stupid is more injured by blows than 
improved. A child which at home is treated with blows 
and is accustomed to them will not at school be made 
right by blows, but still worse" (11:25). Dock was in 
advance of his day when the rod was practically the only 
means to secure proper behavior. He studied the in- 
dividual and adapted the punishment to the child's tem- 
perament and disposition. As was the custom among 
most schoolmasters in Colonial Pennsylvania, Dock em- 
phasized religious instruction. The pupils were required 
to familiarize themselves with the Bible. In addition to 
a study of the Bible, he (51:15b) himself wrote hymns 
to be sung by the pupils in their devotional exercises 
(14:223). 

The press has always been a powerful educational force 
among any people who are privileged to enjoy its in- 
fluence. In 1753, Franklin (59:71) states, that "of the six 
printing-houses in the province, two are entirely German, 
two half German half English, and but two entirely Eng- 
lish." From this statement by one who was a printer 
himself by profession, we may properly infer that the Ger- 
man population was on a par with their English neigh- 
bors, in so far as this means of disseminating knowledge 
was concerned. Among these presses that of Christopher 
Saur, in Germantown, was the most productive, and the 



21 

most influential among the Germans. As early as 1738 
there emanated from this press a German almanac and 
a German newspaper in 1739, both of which reached so 
large a circulation that they were said to have been "uni- 
versally read" by the Germans (56:28). Prior to 1754 
more than two hundred different publications were issued 
from the various German printing-presses (55:6-42). Most 
of the books printed were of a religious order. In 1743 
Christopher Saur printed the first German Bible in 
America, thirty-nine years before the first English Bible 
was printed in America by Robert Aitken (70:28 and 56). 

Notwithstanding the fact that these educational facili- 
ties were available to the Germans, secular instruction 
and religious instruction alike were inadequate in quality 
and quantity to result in an extensive culture. It is true 
that the Moravians, in 1743, under the personal direction 
of Count Zinzendorf, tried to assist their countrymen by 
opening here and there both day-schools and boarding- 
schools, but prior to 1754, there was no organized con- 
certed effort on the part of the State officials to under- 
take a general system of education for the improve- 
ment of the intellectual, moral and religious condition of 
these Germans. The Moravians had established "union" 
schools at Muddy Creek, Lancaster, Oley, Mill Creek, 
Warwich, Heidelberg, Maguntsche, Walbach and Ger- 
mantown, but, by 1754, they had all been given up, and 
thereafter the Moravians confined their educational efforts 
•to the children of their own people (35 :20iff). 

Such, in brief, was the condition of the Germans in 1750. 
In many instances they lived too far apart to form them- 
selves into congregations to receive religious instruction. 
"As it is with the schools, so it is also with the churches 
in the rural districts, because churches and school-houses are 
usually built around at such places only, where most neigh- 
bors and church members live," says Mittelberger (24:59$). 
Even if they were able to form themselves into congrega- 
tions they, frequently, had neither pastor nor teacher to 
instruct them (i6:203ff). Some of those who assumed the 
offices of ministers and teachers were wholly unfit, intel- 
lectually and morally. The schoolmasters, in most places, 
were not able to support themselves on their income and 
were, in consequence, forced to earn their bread by manual 
labor. Many families were too poor to buy even bibles 
and catechisms for themselves and children (16 :2o8). Muh- 
lenberg (22:16a) asserts that youths of eighteen, nineteen 



22 

and twenty years of age came to him for instruction. They 
had no knowledge whatever of reading and writing. They 
were equally wanting in a knowledge of God. Israel 
Acrelius (2:351), bishop of the Swedish churches in Amer- 
ica, in 1758, says : "In almost every ridge is a school- 
house." Again, he says : "None, whether boys or girls, 
are now growing up who cannot read English, write and 
cipher" (2:352). From what his contemporaries say, we 
may properly conclude that the report is exaggerated. 
Messrs. Kurtz and Schaum (22:73a), who taught schools 
in New Hanover and Philadelphia, respectively, taught 
young and old. The latter were not ashamed to sit with 
the children to learn their letters. In his diary of 1745 
(22:418a) Muhleberg bewails the lack of Christian schools. 
He says: "In our parishes we have, up to this time, not 
been able to erect schools. Would that we might have in 
our communities and parishes but ten or twenty of the 
many hundred Charity Schools of England, where the chil- 
dren might be taught — if only for a short period during 
the year — it would aid us greatly." 

The schools which were established in the province be- 
fore 1750 were not able to accommodate the pupils who 
applied for admission. The buildings were too small and 
funds were not forthcoming to build larger ones (22:483a). 
The old teachers, who had come into the province with 
the earlier immigrants, were dying off, and there was no 
adequate provision made in the province to furnish sub- 
stitutes (22 :485a). Each succeeding year brought thousands 
of additional immigrants. The question in the minds of 
far-seeing statesmen was, "What step shall be taken to 
educate this increment to the population and make of them 
good citizens?" The answer to the question was to be 
found in "The Charitable Scheme to Educate the Poor 
Germans." What was the nature of this movement? 



CHAPTER II. 

THE RELATION OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF 

CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE AMONG THE GERMANS IN 

PENNSYLVANIA TO THE CHARITY SCHOOLS. 

The beginning of this movement starts with the labors 
of Rev. Michael Schlatter, who came to Pennsylvania, in 
1746, under the direction of the Reformed Synod of Amster- 
dam (16 :236). He was sent out as "church visitor" (65 :6), 
whose duty it was to visit the Reformed congregations in 
America "in order to investigate whether the ministers and 
schoolmasters faithfully administer their offices, remain in 
the purity of doctrine and maintain the established order, 
etc." As most of the Reformed people that came to America 
had settled in Pennsylvania, the greater part of Schlatter's 
time was spent here. After five years of incessant labor 
he returned to Holland and reported the conditions as he 
had found them (16:198). 

In his "Appeal to the Synod in Holland," dated June 
25, 1751, he (16:213) pleads for the relief of his people: 
"My intercession is not for a handful of people, for one or 
another poor family, for a little flock that has fled from 
popery, but for more than 30,000 of the Reformed house- 
hold of faith, living in the land of their pilgrimage, in a 
land that is large and wide spread, yea, fully twice as large 
as the United Netherlands. They are not concerned for 
gifts of love to be applied to the support of their lives and 
their temporal existence, — even though in this the want 
with many is great enough, — but such as shall be applied 
in the best possible manner, to procure means for the 
preservation of their immortal spirits, and those of their 
tender pledges, their children. If this help is not extended, 
and hearts and hands are closed against them, they and 
their children destitute of the means of grace, without the 
counsel of those who instruct, direct, exhort, edify and com- 
fort them, they must in time sink into pagan blindness and 
fearful ruin. But should they be supported by your gifts 
of love, and provided with faithful teachers and pastors, 
they will, under God's effectual blessing, be brought to a 
sanctifying knowledge, and to the service and praise of the 



24 

blessed God." Again, he says : "What makes the condi- 
tion of these congregations the more deplorable and worthy 
of our sympathy, is that most of them are not even pro- 
vided with a good schoolmaster. Few, even of such as 
are found qualified, can be prevailed upon to labor in this 
work, because the poor people are not able to contribute 
enough to enable a schoolmaster, who devotes his whole 
time to his calling, to support himself and family, even with 
the greatest care and economy. Thus, it is easy to see that 
children, deprived of all instruction, and having only a 
corrupt nature for their guide, must grow up as wild shoots 
— yea, I will leave any, who heartily and in silence meditate 
on this matter, and who know the true value of immortal 
souls, to judge whether in this way, even such as are called 
Christians and bear the name of Reformed, are not in 
danger of falling back and being corrupted into a new 
heathenism, and thus become like the original pagan abor- 
igines of the country, if not even worse" (16:205). 

The immediate effect of the appeal, after the case had 
been presented to the States of Holland and West Fries- 
land (67:4), was the granting by those States of 2,000 
guilders per annum for five years from that date, the same 
"to be applied towards the instruction of the said Ger- 
mans, and their children in Pennsylvania." These funds 
were raised through the influence of the Prince of Orange, 
William IV. Additional sums of money were collected by 
the Synodical Deputies of Holland and the Classis of Amster- 
dam, making a total of nearly 45,000 florins. Professor 
Hinke's transcripts of the official reports of the Classis and 
Synods in Holland (65:13^ show that Reverend Muhlen- 
berg's statement that 12,000 pounds (22 :57b) had been 
collected in Holland was considerably exaggerated. In 
response to Schlatter's (16:248) plea for ministers and 
schoolmasters the Synods of Holland sent back with him 
six ministers "for carrying on the work of the Gospell" 
(6:106a). 

David Thomson, a pastor of one of the English Re- 
formed churches in Amsterdam, became greatly interested 
in the Pennsylvania German (67:4). In March, 1752, he 
left Holland to visit his countrymen in England and Scot- 
land, in order to solicit aid from the churches in those 
countries for furthering the cause he had taken up. On 
May 22, 1752, Thomson's petition was taken up by the 
General Assembly of the Church of Scotland (6:104a). 
The three letters he offered to the Assembly were his ere- 



25 

dentials : ( i ) from the six deputies of the Provincial Synod 
of Holland, (2) from the Presbytery of Amsterdam, (3) 
from the Consistory of the English church there, "all setting 
forth and enforcing the purpose of his petition and com- 
missioning him to agent the same" (6:107a). The Church 
of Scotland opened an immediate correspondence with the 
Protestant churches in Holland for the purpose of advanc- 
ing, as they say (4:294), "the glory of our common Lord, 
and to promote and propagate the pure Reformed religion." 
In response to the petition the Assembly, "sensibly affected 
with the distressed state of their Protestant brethren in the 
British colonies" (6:107a), ordered a collection to be made 
at the church doors of all the parishes in Scotland on the 
last Sunday of the following November. This recommen- 
dation was ordered to be read from the pulpits of all the 
churches in Scotland the Sunday preceding the day named 
for the collection. The money collected (67:5) amounted 
to "upwards of twelve hundred pounds sterling" (£1,140 9 s - 
nd.) (6:312). The relation between the General As- 
sembly and "The Society for the Propagation of Christian 
Knowledge among the Germans in Pennsylvania," may best 
be seen from the minutes of the former: "On Monday, 
June 4, 1753, Professor Cuming, the last Moderator, pro- 
duced a letter from the Rev. Mr. Chandler at London, 
dated the 27th of February, bearing, that he, and several 
other gentlemen in London, had formed themselves into a 
society, to act as trustees for the Protestants in Pennsyl- 
vania ; that they propose to maintain a stated correspondence 
with the Church of Scotland, with that in Holland, with 
several in Germany, and with the emigrants in Pennsyl- 
vania, that all moneys may be transmitted to them by a 
general agreement; that, in his judgment, all the collections 
made in Great Britain should center in the hands of the 
trustees there, who are to settle a correspondence in Penn- 
sylvania, for the more proper distribution and application 
thereof; that six new ministers had already settled among 
the Protestants in Pennsylvania, and that six more are 
immediately wanted. After reading the letter, Professor 
Cuming represented, that as he had no opportunity of lay- 
ing it before the commission, he had written a letter to Mr. 
Chandler, bearing, that as the Protestants in Pennsylvania 
are subjects of Gt. Britain, it would be necessary in order 
to make them more so by their learning the British language, 
to employ there some English school-masters for instruct- 
ing their youth. And he now produced a letter from Mr. 



26 

Chandler, dated the 19th of May last, approving of the 
aforesaid proposal, which, he says, makes a principal ar- 
ticle of a memorial presented to his Majesty; and further, 
expressing the intention of the said society to keep a con- 
stant correspondence with the church of Scotland by such 
persons as the Assembly shall appoint. The Assembly ap- 
pointed all the money collected in Scotland for the Pro- 
testants in Pennsylvania, to be remitted to the aforesaid 
society at London, and nominated all the ministers of the 
Presbytery of Edinburgh, the Earl of Dumfries, the Lord 
Justice Clerk, Provost Drummond, and several other gen- 
tlemen, of whom four to be a quorum, a committee to cor- 
respond with them" (5:25^. 

The Society to which Chandler refers consisted of fifteen 
of the most prominent men in England (57:41). They 
were the Right Hon. Earl of Shaftesbury, President ; Right 
Hon. Lord Willoughby, of Parham ; Right Hon. Sir Luke 
Schaub, Bart.; Right Hon. Sir Josiah VanNeck, Bart.; 
Thomas Chitty, Esq., Thomas Fluddyer, Esq., Aldermen 
of the City of London ; Benjamin Amory, LL.D., James 
Vernon, Esq., John Bance, Esq., Robert Ferguson, Esq., 
Nathaniel Pake, Rev. Dr. Birch, Rev. Mr. Caspar Weit- 
stein Rev. David Thomson, minister at Amsterdam, and 
the Rev. Samuel Chandler, Secretary. 

On the 1st of December, 1753, Provost Smith (57:29) 
landed in London, and on December 13th he wrote a letter 
to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, in which 
he says, "My Lords and Gentlemen : For many years past 
incredible numbers of poor Protestants have flocked from 
divers parts of Germany and Switzerland to our Colony, 
particularly to Pennsylvania. Their melancholy situation, 
thro' want of instructors and their utter inability 
to maintain them, with the distressing prospect of 
approaching darkness and idolatry among them, have been 
represented to their fellow-protestants in Europe in the 
most moving terms." 

A comparison of this paragraph with the first part of 
the Memorial (3 :66) which was presented to the King by 
the Society, with the petition which Thomson presented 
to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland, and 
with Schlatter's Appeal to the Fathers in Holland, reveals 
a striking resemblance in thought and language, and seems 
to indicate that Smith was familiar with the phrasing and 
tenor of thought in Schlatter's appeal and Thomson's pe- 
tition. 



27 

Again, he says (57:30!:), "Indeed it is deeply affecting 
to hear that this vast branch of the Protestant Church is 
in danger either of sinking into barbarian ignorance, or of 
being seduced at last from that religion for which they and 
their fathers have suffered so much. And should ever this 
be their misfortune, their Liberty itself, with all their ex- 
pected use of these nations will be entirely lost. Besides 
this, their having no opportunity of acquiring our lan- 
guage, and their living in a separate body, without any 
probability of their incorporating with us, are most alarm- 
ing considerations. 

"In these circumstances, the scheme you have engaged 
in, to send instructors among these people, is of the great- 
est importance. The influence of a faithful clergy to form 
the social temper, to keep up a sense of religion, and guide 
such a people in their duty is obvious. Nor is the institu- 
tion of schools for the education of their children a point 
of less, but perhaps still greater, importance. ******* 

"By a common Education of English and German Youth 
at the same Schools, acquaintances and connexions will be 
form'd, and deeply impressed upon them in their cheerful 
and open moments. The English language and a con- 
formity of manners will be acquired, and they may be 
taught to feel the meaning and exult in the enjoyment of 
liberty, a home and social endearments. And when once 
these sacred names are understood and felt at the heart; — 
when once a few intermarriages are made between the chief 
families of the different nations in each country, which will 
naturally follow from school acquaintances, and the acqui- 
sition of a common language, no arts of our enemies will 
be able to divide them in their affection ; and all the nar- 
row distinctions of extraction, etc., will be forgot — forever 
forgot — in higher interests." 

In the paragraphs just quoted it becomes evident imme- 
diately that the religious motive for educating the German 
which Schlatter* exalted in his Appeal to the Fathers in 
Holland has become secondary to political motives which 
were to guide the efforts of the newly-established society. 
From the time of Professor Cuming's f suggestion to 
Chandler that the Pennsylvania Germans would become 
better subjects of Great Britain by employing English 
schoolmasters to teach them the English language, the 
question of the assimilation of this German element with 

*See pp. 23L fSee p. 25. 



28 

English civilization seems to have been uppermost in the 
minds of English statesmen. Schlatter did not question 
the loyalty of his countrymen to the Crown or to the pro- 
prietary government ; in fact, we have seen on a previous 
page* that his name headed the list of signers of the peti- 
tion addressed to Governor Morris. Smith (57 :26ff), on 
the other hand, with the meager experience of five months 
with the Pennsylvania Germans was apprehensive of their 
loyalty. On the basis of this actual experience with them, 
and the reports he may have chanced to read of them in 
England, he put himself in touch with the Society in Lon- 
don for the Propagation of the Gospel. It is to be remem- 
bered that just at this time, the early 50's, the Germans 
began to take part in governmental affairs, throwing their 
influence to the Quaker as opposed to the proprietary 
government. The subsequent charge by Smith that the 
Germans were liable to join the French, the bitter enemies 
of the English, served as an additional reason for the Royal 
family and the Proprietaries of the Province to subscribe 
liberally to this movement. 

The first reason for educating the German would be to 
make him independent in thought and action so that the 
Quakers could no longer use him as a tool to carry elec- 
tions. Again, if the Germans were to unite with the 
French, England, in the event of a war with France, would 
be likely to lose her most prosperous colony. The former 
constituted a strong argument for the Proprietaries to aid 
the Charity School movement, and the latter would appeal 
even more strongly to the British Royalty so as to insure 
their support. 

It is quite evident that the religious and political mo- 
tives were not the only ones which determined Provost 
Smith's course of action. The 25th of May, 1753, he had 
been engaged temporarily, to teach "Natural Philosophy, 
Logic, etc.," in the College of the City of Philadelphia 
(57:26). Here was an opportunity for him to build up a 
great school, but he could not hope to draw students from 
the Quakers (68:43-57), for they had their own schools 
and were not on good terms with the proprietary govern- 
ment of which Smith (56 :i7f) was an ardent supporter, nor 
could he hope to gather students from the Presbyterian 
and kindred denominations, for they patronized the insti- 
tutions which grew out of the Log College (27:66), and 
the followers of the Church of England (57:220) were but 
a small part of the State's total population, the other source 

*See p. 13. 



29 

of patronage of the institution of which he was about to 
take hold. What was to be done ? The answer was to be 
found in his ability to reach the German population in the 
State. This could only be done through the establishment 
of the Charity Schools as proposed by the Society in Lon- 
don. The masters for these schools should not be im- 
ported, but they should be educated and trained in Penn- 
sylvania. The only institution in the State where that was 
possible was in the College of the City of Philadelphia. 
What does Mr. Smith say on this point (57 ^350 ? "The 
Masters of such schools can only be found and educated in 
America. They must understand the English and high 
Dutch, with Mathematics, Geography, Drawing, History, 
Ethics, with the Constitutions and interests of the Colo- 
nies. Now, strangers can not be thus qualified. For 
tho' they understood both languages, we could not be sure 
of their principles ; nor would they for several years know 
the Genius of the people, or Correspond with the general 
Scheme of Polity in the education of youth ; nay, they 
might be sent from the Palatinate or Switzerland to coun- 
ter work it, and defeat the desired Coalition, Clergymen, 
Schoolmasters, Physicians, etc., have a natural influence 
over the people in the Country, and the constant importa- 
tion of strangers of these professions is impolitic. Such 
men should be educated under the eye of the public in the 
colonies where they are wanted ; and thus we will not only 
be certain if their principles, but also have them complete 
masters both of the English and German languages. 

"It is a happy circumstance, in Pennsylvania in particu- 
lar, that there is a flourishing Seminary, where such men 
may be educated; and happier still that the honorable pro- 
prietary is to make a foundation for maintaining and edu- 
cating constantly some promising children of poor Ger- 
mans as a Supply of well-principled Schoolmasters, that 
must be acceptable among their friends." 

The funds which were thus to be raised by the London 
Society would serve not only to promote the religious wel- 
fare of the German colonists in Pennsylvania, the interests 
of the proprietary and Royal governments, but it would, 
incidentally, also aid Provost Smith's new project directly. 
The motives which thus seem to have actuated him were 
perfectly justifiable. Whether the attitude of the German 
toward the provincial government was as he had repre- 
sented it, and whether the underlying schemes worked out 
successfully, are questions which do not concern us here. 



30 

The Society (677) raised funds in England, (1) by the 
liberal subscriptions of its own members, (2) the King 
granted £1000 toward the movement and the Princess 
Dowager of Wales contributed £100, (3) the Proprietaries 
of the Province promised to give an annual sum "for pro- 
moting the most essential part of the Undertaking."* 
Muhlenberg (22:208b) states that "these gifts, which it is 
said, amounted to 20,000 pounds sterling, were, by order 
of His Majesty, placed in the hands of certain trustees, 
constituting 'A Society for Propagating the Knowledge of 
God among the Germans,' from the interests of which free 
schools are here to be established and sustained." Pro- 
fessor Hinke has recently found a letter in the archives of 
the Classis of Amsterdam which proves conclusively, what- 
ever the exact amount collected may have been, that not 
only the interest, but the capital was expended by the 
society in carrying on its work. Reverend Samuel Chan- 
dler, the Secretary of the society, in a letter written to the 
Classis of Amsterdam in 1762, says: "We have been so 
liberal in our expenditures in behalf of the schools and 
teachers of the continent of America, that the capital which 
here in England as well as in Scotland had been collected, 
has altogether disappeared, and hence we can now only 
depend upon his royal bounty." (65:14.) 

The money which was granted so liberally enabled the 
Society for the Propagation of the Gospel to begin to 
carry out their purposes under very auspicious circum- 
stances. 



* This fund was intended primarily for the training of 
teachers. 



CHAPTER HI. 

THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CHARITY SCHOOL SYSTEM. 

As soon as Dr. Smith (57:34*) learned of the intention 
of the London Society to establish schools among the Ger- 
mans in PeSSsyLnia he formulated an educational plan 
Sid submitted it to the Society in his letter of December 
zl " The scheme as thus outlined became the basis 
fTth/fo'ciety's future procedure, so thatthe credit of the 
entire system belongs to Dr. Smith. He furnlsh ^\^ 
brains for this educational movement and 1 1 « to jnm 
must look for its success or failure, his English associates 
contributing to its execution only in so far as they co 

^Thfpla^as^ forth in the letter referred to above 
contains the following important recommendations : 

i "With regard to the government of the Schools, it is 
of the greatest use, in smaller Societies, where it is practi- 
cable to have all places of Education uniformly governed 
by on se? of mL, that so youth .may be everywhere 
trained up in subordination to the public Sense. This trust 
can only be executed by men residing on the spot, and 
therefore six or seven principal Gentlemen in Pennsylva- 
nia may be appointed Trustees-general for providing for- 
eign Protestan?s in that and other Colonies with Mimsteis 

a 1 ^0 n:t a mo r r S e of these Trustees, is once every.year 
to visit all the Schools and examine the Scholars giving a 
small premium to one or more boys, born of German 
Parents who shall best deliver an oration m English or 
read an English Author, nearest to the right pronunciation. 
Let anothef premium be given to that boy, whether Eng- 
lish or German, who shall best answer to some questions 
concerning religious and civil duties, on the plan ^already 
sketched ?ut. And now, what a glorious Sight it will be 
to behold the Proprietor, governor or other great men in 
thei ■summer Excursions into the country, _ entering the 
choolsTnd performing their part of the visitation Thi 
will be teaching indeed like those ancient Fathers of their 
Country! who deigned to superintend the execution of the 



3^ 

laws they made for the education of youth as the rising 
hope of the State; 

3. "But further, as the success of all Schools depends on 
good discipline and keeping up emulation, these Trustees- 
general should substitute six deputy-trustees for every 
School, three of them being English and three Germans, 
for the sake of forming more connexions. These deputies 
should visit the schools and bestow premia, as above, on 
every month, transmitting an account of such visitations 
to the Trustees-general, and these last sending once or 
twice a year an account of the whole state of the Schools 
to the Society in London. This scheme cannot fail of 
helping up discipline and emulation." 

In compliance with these recommendations the London 
Society, "desirous to apply the moneys they collect in the 
most effectual manner for his majesty's service, the benefit 
of the Colonies and the welfare of these poor people" 
(57:4of), appointed as Trustees-general: The Honorable 
James Hamilton, Esq., Lieutenant-Governor of Pennsyl- 
vania; William Allen, Esq., Chief Justice; Richard Peters, 
Esq., Secretary of Pennsylvania; Benjamin Franklin, Esq., 
Postmaster-General ; Conrad Weiser, Esq., Interpreter, 
and the Rev. William Smith, Provost of the College of 
Philadelphia. 

The Society appointed Rev. Michael Schlatter Superin- 
tendent of these schools under the direction of the Trust- 
ees-general, and at an annual salary of £100 sterling. They 
agreed to erect schools in Reading, York, Easton, Lan- 
caster, Skippack and Hanover. The masters were to re- 
ceive an annual salary not exceeding £20 (57:42). As to 
the German ministers who were to receive aid from the 
Society no definite action was taken, pending further infor- 
mation from the Trustees-general, whose intimate knowl- 
edge of conditions would enable them to suggest spe- 
cifically where such aid was most needed. 

When Dr. Smith (57:45) returned to Philadelphia, May 
22d, 1754, he endeavored to call a meeting of the Trustees 
on May 30th, but as Messrs. Peters, Franklin and Weiser 
had gone to Albany as commissioners of Pennsylvania to 
consider the Indian Treaty, the first meeting of the Trustees 
had to be postponed until after the return of these gentle- 
men. On the 10th of August, 1754 (57:64), the Trustees- 
general met in Mt. Airy, at the house of William Allen, 
and resolved to erect schools at Reading, York, Easton, 
Lancaster, Hanover and Skippack. They also resolved: 



33 

"That, for the better government of these schools, a cer- 
tain number of the most reputable persons residing- near 
every particular school should be appointed deputy- 
trustees, to visit that school, superintend the execution 
of the scheme of education in it, and use their interests in 
the support of it. 

"That six, eight or ten be appointed for every school, 
and that, to render the scheme more catholic and unex- 
ceptional, part of these trustees for each school shall be 
Calvinists, part Lutheran Germans and part Englishmen 
of any profession whatever." 

The only difficult problem that presented itself thus far 
was the supply of proper schoolmasters. A temporary 
relief was found in drawing on the Academy of Philadel- 
phia for those poor students who could talk English and 
German (an indispensable requisite for teachers in the 
Charity Schools). A continuous supply of such students, 
Dr. Smith (57:65^ informed the Trustees, could be fur- 
nished by the Academy of Philadelphia owing to the an- 
nual gift of £50 sterling by the Honorable Thomas Penn, 
at his disposal for such a purpose. Dr. Smith also in- 
formed the Trustees that he had found a promising young 
man, Samuel Magaw, who might be prepared at the 
Academy in six or eight months for a position in one of 
these schools. With that purpose in view he had pre- 
vailed upon the Reverend Peter Brunnholtz, the Luth- 
eran pastor of St. Michael's Church in Philadelphia, "to 
board Mr. Magaw in his home, to watch over his morals, 
and assist him in making further progress in the German 
language, provided the trustees would admit him to the 
proprietaries' bounty." The trustees accepted the prop- 
osition, and inquired for more promising candidates who 
could be fitted to teach in the schools. 

Thus far we can say, without any qualification, Dr. 
Smith's scheme succeeded without any serious obstruc- 
tion. The movement was supported by those Germans 
who belonged to the Reformed Church, (1) by virtue of 
the co-operation between the "Fathers in Holland" with 
the London Society for the Propagation of the Gospel 
among the poor Germans in Pennsylvania, (2) by the ad- 
ditional fact, that the leader of the Reformed Church in 
Pennsylvania was the superintendent of these schools. 
The Lutheran (17:279) element was favorable to the new 
project on account of its "nearness" to the Church of 
England for whose interests Dr. Smith put forth every 



34 

effort. Rev. Muhlenberg, as we have shown already, 
longed for some of the charity schools in England to 
teach the youth in Pennsylvania.* Besides these consid- 
erations, Muhlenberg longed for an institution where the 
clergy in the Lutheran Church might be educated (61:69). 
This could be accomplished in the best manner by co- 
operating with any movement in which the authorities of 
the College and Academy of Philadelphia were interested. 
With these ends in view, Muhlenberg lent his best efforts 
to encourage the establishment of schools. In conse- 
quence, Dr. Muhlenberg's congregations in New Hanover 
and New Providence were the first to petition the trus- 
tees, August 23d, 1754, for schools, offering their newly- 
built school houses for the use of the respective com- 
munities (57:801). But the mistake of the whole move- 
ment was the disregard it showed to the Quietist Sects 
of the Province. These, according to Smith's table, num- 
bered upwards of thirty-five thousand people (57:220). 
Among these were the Mennonites, Moravians, Dunkers, 
Schwenkfelders, Siebentagers, all of whom were opposed 
to the bearing of arms and the taking of oaths on ac- 
count of their religious scruples. It is to be remembered 
that these were the people who fled from Germany on 
account of their suffering persecutions at the hands of 
those religious denominations which had church organi- 
zations. Memories of their former experiences still lin- 
gered with them, and on the first grounds for suspecting 
the movements of the organized churches in America 
they arose, and in their might strove valiantly against this 
movement, which they considered an encroachment on 
their religious liberty. Those Germans who belonged to 
the Reformed and Lutheran faiths needed only to be 
made aware that this movement of establishing English 
Charity Schools among them involved the integrity of 
their language and nationality, and they were ready to 
join hands with the Quietist Sects to check the progress 
of the movement, and ultimately destroy it. The voice 
which unified German sentiment and gave it such power- 
ful expression was Christopher Saur, the German printer 
of Germantown, from whose press emanated most of the 
German literature that was to be found among the eighty 
or ninety thousand Germans in Pennsylvania.! Let us 

*See p. 22. fSee p. 37. 



35 

see what made Saur and his press such potent factors in 
determining public opinion among the Germans. 

The press, types and books which the Dunkers* in Ger- 
many sent to their brethren in Pennsylvania fell into the 
hands of Jacob Gans, of Germantown. On account of 
Gans' incapability to carry out the original purposes of 
the Brethren, the entire property was transferred to Chris- 
topher Saur, in 1738, who, says Thomas in his History of 
Printing (64:271), "immediately began business according 
to the benevolent intentions of those who were at the ex- 
pense of the establishment. The German books sent over 
were distributed gratuitously among the poor. The press; 
was set to work on religious tracts, and a proportion of 
them given away. Others were sold and produced a 
profit to the printer. In a short time Sower so managed 
the concern as to gain the approbation of his opposers." 
Saur was intensely interested in the moral, religious and 
intellectual welfare of his countrymen. Himself a man of 
a high religious and moral sense, with an intellectual train- 
ing (7:345.) second to that of few men in the Province, he 
set to work to give his countrymen, so far as lay in his 
power, the same opportunities which he had had. 

In 1738 he published the first "High-German American 
Calendar." This almanac appeared annually for thirty- 
nine years, printed by the elder Saur up to 1758, and then 
by his son up to 1778. These almanacs were a constant 
guide to nearly all the German families settled in Penn- 
sylvania and the other provinces. In them were found 
medical prescriptions, directions to the farmers as to the 
best time for planting and reaping, dissertations on such 
subjects as "Lives of Great Men," "Necessary Precau- 
tions in Business Transactions," "The Force of Habit," 
"War and Peace," "The Indian," "The Use and Abuse of 
Brandy," etc. In addition to these, there were definite 
instructions given to those who desired to read and write 
in the English and the German languages (45:24). Blank 
sheets were inserted in some of the almanacs to serve as 
account books for the German farmer. In 1739, ap- 
peared "The High-German Pennsylvania Gazette," a 
weekly newspaper, which continued up to 1778, and as 
early as November, 1753, the number of subscribers was 
4,000 (42:3). This periodical was devoted to the publish- 
ing of foreign and domestic news, and continued to ap- 

*See p. 15. 



\ 



36 

pear regularly, under various titles, up to 1778. In 1739, 
(55:11) also appeared the first book printed with German 
type, "Weyrauchs Hug-el," a collection of hymns covering' 
over eight hundred pages. In 1743 Saur printed his first 
edition of the German Bible, the first Bible printed in 
America in a foreign tongue, the only previous edition 
printed in America being Eliot's (70:9) Indian version of 
1663. Saur (39:1) states in the preface to the edition of 
1743, his reasons for issuing the Bible at that time: "The 
motives which led to the printing of this present Bible 
were principally these: First, it was observed that many 
poor Germans came to this country without bringing any 
Bible with them, and secondly, that many among those 
born and reared here, do not know how to procure one — 
the wealthy, we notice usually providing for themselves 
and family only." To bring the Bible within reach of all 
who desired it he sold it (to those who could afford to 
pay) for eighteen shillings bound, and fourteen shillings 
unbound, "but to the poor and neady," he said, "we have 
no price." (70:48.) 

The Bible was a royal quarto of 1,248 pages, 7^x10 
inches, bound in bevelled boards, covered with strong 
leather, the covers being held together with clasps. The 
edition, Wright (70:40) says, consisted of 1,200 copies. 
When the elder Christopher Saur died, in 1758, his son, 
Christopher Saur, took up the work with the same spirit 
and earnestness his father had shown before him. In 1763, 
the younger Saur issued the second edition of the German 
Bible, in the preface of which he could say (50:1) : "There 
appears now for the second time, on this American conti- 
nent, the Holy Scriptures, called the Bible, publicly printed 
in the High German language ; to the glory of the German 
nation, inasmuch as no other nationality can claim that 
the Bible has been printed in their language in this part of 
the world." The success which attended the issuing of this 
edition enabled Saur to offer gratis to the subscribers of 
his newspaper copies of a religious periodical called "A 
Spiritual Magazine" (51 :4io). This magazine was first 
printed in 1764, and appeared monthly until fifty numbers 
had appeared. From 1768 to 1770 the magazine was dis- 
continued because of the fact that Saur had in preparation 
the third edition of the German Bible. He did not wish" to 
raise the price of his Bible by purchasing more paper than 
he had on hand for the publishing of the same, and thus 
the magazine was discontinued until 1770, when he re- 



1723 
"29 

1730 
"31 
"32 
«33 
"34 
"35 
"36 
»37 
"38 
"39 

1740 
•'41 

"42 
B 43 
"44 
"45 
"46 
"47 
B 4S 
"49 

1750 
B 51 
"52 
"53 
"54 
c 55 
B 55 
"57 
"58 
c 59 

1760 
«61 
R 52 
e 63 
"64 
"65 
K 66 
"67 
"68 
"69 

1770 
"71 
"72 
"73 
*?4 
"75 
"76 
"77 
"73 



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37 

sumed its publication until fifteen numbers of the second 
part appeared. The contents of these numbers consisted 
of extracts of Scripture passages taken from the Old and 
the New Testaments, and extracts from non-sectarian re- 
ligious writings to be found in the English language as 
well as in the German language (51 :a3). Each number 
consisted of a half-sheet (16 pages). The first numbers 
consisted of translations of Archbishop William Law's 
"An Serious Call to a Devout and Holy Life." It ought to 
be evinced by these facts that neither of the Saurs was 
opposed to the education of the German, that they were 
not narrow in their views nor prejudiced to favor one class 
of Germans more than another. Christopher Saur, Sr., be- 
lieved in a free public school system, and was a pioneer in 
prophesying a definite date when Pennsylvania should en- 
joy the same. The actual facts indicate that his prophesy 
set the date nine years too early, for our public school sys- 
tem was instituted in 1834 (68:313). In his almanac for 
1754 (43 :24), under the caption, "The Condition of the 
Germans in Pennsylvania in the Year 1825, if They so De- 
sire," he says, "Then they (the Germans) will have a pros- 
perous free-school to which all religious denominations will 
send their children. * * * * The German will be able to get 
legal advice from an honest fellow-brother who speaks 
both languages in their purity." There is ample evidence 
that Christopher Saur, Jr., appreciated the value of an edu- 
cation. The records of the Germantown Academy show 
that, in 1759 when the institution was founded, Christopher 
Saur was appointed a member of the first Committee on 
Subscription "to raise funds to erect the building" (66:8). 
He was one of the favorites on the Board of Trustees, be- 
ing chosen twelve times to serve in that capacity. He was 
the first President of the Board of Trustees, and his name 
appears second on the "Committee on Subscription" 
(66:10). As a member of the latter, he was one of the 
most liberal contributors, giving "£50 from his father's es- 
tate and £20 in his own name" (66:13). 

An examination of the graphic table of German publi- 
cations in Pennsylvania, from 1728 to 1778, will show that 
the Germantown press was predominant throughout the 
period of the Charity School movement (1754-1764). It 
also shows that the publications of the two Saurs were the 
one unfailing source which supplied the Germans with lit- 
erature of all kinds from the establishment of the German- 
town press to the time of the Revolution. By virtue of 



38 

this great supply of literature to the Germans Christopher 
Saur gained great power and influence among them. As 
a consequence, he became a great factor in determining 
the success or failure of any movement which might be 
projected to effect materially the welfare of the German. 
The "scheme" for establishing Charity Schools appealed to 
him as wrong because of its apparent political and religious 
motives, and he opposed it with all his might. 

In Saur's Pennsylvanische Berichte of June 26, 1754 
(57 48), he says : "We hear that ambition, etc., has made 
a provision in the Academy of Philadelphia for Germans 
who have no mind to get their living by honest labor, 
probably under pretext of raising lawyers, preachers and 
doctors, since so little honesty comes in from abroad. But 
as human weakness values things that come in from far, 
much more than what is daily in view; and, whereas, one 
has liberty in Pennsylvania to call a shilling a shilling, 
those that have got their learning from Empirics shall ex- 
pect but little encouragement in this country, since 'a 
prophet himself has no honor in his own country.' " 

In the same paper, on the 1st of September, of the same 
year, Saur (44 :2f) attacks the movement directly : "In our 
number 159 we committed an error in saying that a High 
School was to be erected in Philadelphia for the benefit of 
the Germans, etc. But definite information is given that 
six English free schools are to be established in this State 
for the Germans in the cities of Philadelphia, Lancaster, 
York, Reading, Easton, etc. German ministers are urged 
to learn to preach in English so that the Germans may by 
degrees become one nation with the English, and be pro- 
vided with English clergymen. These accounts further 
tell us that this was done out of fear that the multitude of 
Germans might make up or form themselves into one sep- 
arate people or body, and in time of war go over to the 
French, and join with them to the hurt of the English na- 
tion. 

"The new society in England deserves praise for being 
so liberal and so kind as to teach the Germans the English 
tongue gratis. But if Schlatter* has accused the Germans 
to such a degree, and represented them as if they were a 
nation of so roguish and mischievous a disposition, that in 

* Saur is in error in preferring this charge against Schlatter, 
for Schlatter's name heads the list of those Germans who pro- 
tested to Governor Morris against a similar charge of disloyalty. 
Smith and Franklin are responsible for these reports in England. 



39 

time of war they would probably join the French and vil- 
lainously espouse their cause, he has certainly acted with 
great imprudence, to the disadvantage of the King as well 
as of himself. None, indeed, will permit themselves to 
think that many Germans could be so treacherous as he 
perhaps may think. The Irish, the Swedes and the Welsh 
keep their languages, yet for all that are not looked upon 
as a disloyal people. Oh, that pious school-masters in the 
English tongue might be given them, who could be to 
them a pattern of a true Christian life ! Then still some 
hopes would be left, some good might proceed therefrom ; 
for it is true piety only that makes men faithful towards 
God and their neighbor. The preacher Solomon says, 
Chap IX., v. 18, 'Wisdom is better than weapons of war; 
but one sinner destroyeth much good.' The wicked man 
may either preach English or German, yet it is no purpose 
or benefit, for no soul shall be mended thereby, nay, not 
himself." 

The Society in London felt the influence of Saur and de- 
termined to counteract it by establishing a printing press 
in Philadelphia. They hoped to dispose the minds of the 
German population more kindly toward the designs of the 
Society by circulating among them German newspapers, 
almanacs, Bibles, catechisms, etc. (57:69). The Trustees- 
general purchased a press from Benjamin Franklin (57 196) 
for £109 8s. 4d. sterling at a special discount of £25, Frank- 
lin being one of their number and, consequently, interested 
in this educational work. The press was under the man- 
agement of Anthony Armbruster from the time of its es- 
tablishment, 1755 to 1759, when Armbruster failed in bus- 
iness and Peter Miller and Ludwig Weiss, conveyancers, 
gained control of the press, retaining Armbruster as com- 
positor (55 :$2). Not only was the press bought and 
equipped with funds raised by the London Society (57 :yo), 
but the printer was offered a house, a few acres of land, 
£20 sterling per annum for teaching school, and additional 
wages for services as printer. The editor-ship of the news- 
paper was tendered to Reverend Henry Melchior Muhlen- 
berg (55 145). Muhlenberg declined, but recommended an- 
other Lutheran minister for the place, Reverend Johann 
Friedrich Handschuh, who accepted the position. The 
paper, "Philadelphische Zeitung," edited by Handschuh, 
first appeared July 12, 1755, and was discontinued with the 
number dated December 31, 1757. 



40 

Dr. Smith's report of October 3, 1755, to Secretary 
Chandler gives one a general idea of the early history of 
this press (57:97) : 

"The German newspaper succeeded well; there being 
upwards of 400 subscribers, and more daily coming in. 
But it is so very low that it will do no more than clear 
itself, and that not until the year's end; so that there must 
be a considerable advance for paper and for the director 
of the Press. But after the first year all this may be saved, 
and we must ease you in the other articles ; for the paper 
may do more good to the design than several schools, be- 
cause the Director has express orders not to meddle with 
any of the disputes in this province, but to strive in every 
paper to say something to improve and better his country- 
men and to confirm them in the Love and Knowledge of 
the Protestant Religion and civil Liberty. There are also 
3,000 Dutch almanacs for 1756 printed, by which article 
we shall be gainers." The Society failed to realize the high 
hopes they had set on the future efficient service of this 
press. Their printer was continually in debt, and the re- 
straints placed on the editor prevented him from writing 
any but the most conservative editorials. There was little 
life and originality in them to create enthusiasm among the 
Germans for the Charity School movement. The very thing 
it needed most of all was thus not forthcoming (57 :88f). 

On December 10, 1754, Dr. Smith, the Secretary 
of the Trustees-general, read before the trustees a pam- 
phlet, entitled "A Brief History of the Rise and Progress 
of the Charitable Scheme, Carrying on by a Society of Noble- 
men and Gentlemen in London, for the Relief and Instruc- 
tion of poor Germans, and their Descendants, settled in 
Pennsylvania," etc. Of these pamphlets, 2.300 were printed 
for distribution among the Germans and such English peo- 
ple as were interested in the solution of this religious and 
political problem. Dr. Smith first sets forth the two main 
objects of the London Society. These objects are (67 :yi) : 

"I. To assist the People in the Encouragement of pious 
and industrious Protestant Ministers, that are, or shall be, 
regularly ordained and settled among the said Germans, or 
their Descendants, in America ; beginning first in Pennsyl- 
vania, where the Want of Ministers is greatest, and pro- 
ceeding to the neighboring British Colonies as they shall 
be enabled by an Increase of their Funds. 

J "II. To establish some Charitable Schools for the pious 



41 

Education of German Youth of all Denominations, as well 
as those English Youth that may reside among them, etc." 

The stipulation that the children of English parents liv- 
ing in German settlements were to have the benefit of these 
schools makes the "scheme" more or less general in its 
application. The fact that the State officials were the trus- 
tees of the movement makes it our first State system of 
public education. 

As to the method and purpose of establishing these schools, 
the course of study, the qualifications of teachers, etc., the 
pamphlet referred to on a previous page contains the fol- 
lowing interesting items (67:ioff) : 

"First, it is intended that every School to be opened upon 
this Charity, shall be equally for the Benefit of Protestant 
Youth of all Denominations; and therefore the Education 
will be in such Things as are generally useful to advance 
Industry and true Godliness. The Youth will be instructed 
in both the English and German Languages; likewise in 
Writing, Keeping of common Accounts, Singing of Psalms, 
and the true Principles of the holy Protestant Religion, in 
the same Manner as the Fathers of these Germans were 
instructed, at the Schools in those Countries from which 
they came. 

"Secondly, as it may be of great Service to Religion and 
Industry, to have some Schools for Girls also, we shall use 
our Endeavors with the honorable Society, to have some 
few Schoolmistresses encouraged, to teach Reading, and 
the Use of the Needle. And tho' this was no Part of the 
original Design, yet as the Society have nothing but the 
general Good of all at Heart, we doubt not they will extend 
their Benefaction for this charitable Purpose also. 

"Thirdly, that all may be induced, in their early youth, 
to seek the Knowledge and Love of God, in that Manner 
which is most agreeable to their own Consciences, the Chil- 
dren of all Protestant Denominations, English and Dutch, 
shall be instructed in any Catechism of sound Doctrine, 
which is approved of and used by their own Parents and 
Ministers. All unreasonable Sort of Compulsion and Par- 
tiality is directly opposite to the Design and Spirit of the 
Charity, which is generously undertaken to promote useful 
Knowledge, true Religion, public Peace, and Christian Love, 
among all Ranks and Denominations. 

"Fourthly, for the Use of the Schools, the several Cate- 
chisms that are now taught to Children among the Calvinists, 



42 

Lutherans, and other Protestant Denominations, will be 
printed in English and Dutch and distributed among the 
Poor, together with some Bibles and other good Books, at 
the Expense of the Society. 

"Fifthly, in order that all Parents may be certain of hav- 
ing Justice done to their Children, the more immediate Care 
and Inspection of every School will be committed to a cer- 
tain Number of sober and reputable Persons, living near 
the Place where every such School shall be fixed. These 
Persons will be denominated Assistant or Deputy-Trustees; 
and it will be their Business, monthly or quarterly to visit 
that particular School for which they are appointed, and 
see that both Master and Scholars do their Duty. It will 
also be their Business to send an Account of the State and 
Progress of the Schools, at every such Visitation, to us as 
Trustees-General. These Accounts we shall transmit from 
Philadelphia to the Society in London ; and the Society will, 
from Time to Time, be enabled, by these Means, to lay 
the State of the whole Schools before the Public; and thus 
charitable and well disposed People, both in Great-Britain 
and Holland, seeing the good Use that has been made of 
their former Contributions, will be inclined to give still 
more and more for so glorious and benevolent an Under- 
taking. 

"This Method cannot fail to be of great Advantage to 
the Schools, since these Deputy-Trustees, being part of the 
very People for whom the Work is undertaken, and having 
their own Children at the same Schools, they must have an 
Interest in the Reputation of them, and do all in their Power 
to advance good Education in them. Besides this, being 
always near at Hand, they can advise and encourage the 
Master, and help him over any Difficulties he may meet 
with. 

"But Sixthly, as the keeping up a Spirit of Emulation 
among the youth is the Life of all Schools, therefore, that 
we may leave as little Room as possible for that Remissness, 
which sometimes hurts Charities of this Nature, we shall 
(as far as our Situation will permit) have a personal Regard 
to the Execution of the Whole. As the Assistant-Trustees 
may often want our Advice in removing Difficulties and 
making new Regulations, we shall so contrive it, that Mr. 
Schlatter shall be present with them at their Quarterly 
Meetings, to consult with them, and concert the proper 
Measures to be taken. Besides this we shall have one 



43 

general Visitation of the whole Schools every Year; at 
which one or more of us shall endeavor to be present. On 
these Occasions, such Regulations shall be made whether 
any Parents think themselves injured, by an unjust Exclu- 
sion of their Children from an equal Benefit of the com- 
mon Charity, or by the Partiality of the Master, or other- 
wise. At such Visitations Books will be given as Rewards 
and Encouragement, to the diligent and deserving Scholars. 
The Masters will likewise have proper Marks of Esteem 
shewn them in Proportion to their Fidelity, and Industry 
in the Discharge of their Office. 

"Seventhly, with Regard to the Number of Schools to 
be opened, that will depend partly on the Encouragement 
given by the People themselves, and partly on the Increase 
of the Society's Funds. A considerable number of Places 
are proposed to fix Schools in, but none are yet absolutely 
determined upon, but New Hanover, New Providence, and 
Reading. These Places were first fixed upon, because the 
People of all Persuasions, Lutherans, Calvinists, and other 
Protestants, moved with a pious and fatherly Concern for 
the illiterate State of their helpless Children of all Denomi- 
nations in these Parts, might be made the common object 
of the intended Charity. And for this benevolent Purpose, 
they did farther agree to offer School-houses, in which 
their Children might be instructed together, as dear Fel- 
low-Christians, redeemed by the same common Lord and 
Savior, and travelling to the same heavenly Country, thro' 
this Valley of Tears, notwithstanding they may sometimes 
take Roads a little different in Points of smaller Moment. 

"This striking Example of Unanimity and good Agree- 
ment among all Denominations, we hope, will be imitated 
by those who shall afterwards apply to us for fixing 
Schools among them; since it is only upon the aforesaid 
generous Plan for the common Benefit of all, that we find 
ourselves empowered to institute such Schools. But while 
the Petitions are agreeable to this our Plan, as now ex- 
plained, they will not be overlooked, as long as the Funds 
continue. And if the Petitioners shall recommend School- 
masters, as was the Case at New Hanover, New Provi- 
dence, and Reading, such Schoolmasters, will have the 
Preference, provided they are Men of sufficient Probity 
and Knowledge, agreeable to all Parties, and acquainted 
with both the English and Dutch Languages, or willing 
to learn either of these Languages which they may not 
then be perfectly acquainted with. 



44 

"These are essential Qualifications; and unless the gen- 
erous Society had made a Provision for teaching English 
as well as Dutch, it would not have answered their benevo- 
lent Design, which is to qualify the Germans for all the 
Advantages of native English Subjects. But this could not 
have been done, without giving them an Opportunity of 
learning English, by speaking of which they may expect 
to rise to Places of Profit and Honor in the Country. 
They will likewise be thereby enabled to buy or sell to the 
greater Advantage in our Markets; to understand their 
own Causes in Courts of Justice, where Pleadings are in 
English; to know what is doing in the Country round 
them; and, in a word, to judge and act entirely for them- 
selves, without being obliged to take Things upon the 
Word of others, whose Interest it- may be to deceive and 
mislead them." 

The Trustees-general immediately began to carry out 
this plan. The Assistant-Trustees for the various places 
in which schools were to be established were, for the most 
part, personally known to Governor Hamilton, Secretary 
Peters and Indian Interpreter Conrad Weiser (57:711). 

For Lancaster. — Edward Shippen, Esq. (English), Pres- 
ident; Mr. Adam Simon Kuhn, Mr. Otterbein, Mr. Sebas- 
tian Groff (Calvinist), Mr. Gera (Lutheran), Mr. James 
Wright, Mr. John Bar. 

For New Providence and Skippack. — Mr. Abram Sahler, 
Dr. John Diemer (Calvinist), John Schrack, Nicolaus Kris- 
ter (Lutheran), Henry Pawling, Esq., Mr. Robert White, 
John Coplin (English). 

For Reading. — Mr. James Read, Prothonotary, Francis 
Parvin, Esq. (English Quaker), James Seely (English 
Presbyterian), Mr. Isaac Levan, Mr. Samuel High (Cal- 
vinist), Mr. Hans Martin Gerick, Mr. Jacob Levan (Lu- 
theran), Mr. Sebastian Zimmerman. 

For Easton. — Mr. Parsons, Mr. Lewis Gordon, Mr. 
John Chapman, Mr. John LeFevre, Mr. Peter Trexler. 

For New Flanover, Frederick Township. — Andrew Kep- 
ner, Henry Krebo (Lutheran), Henry Antes, Esq., Mr. 
John Reifsnyder (Calvinist), John Potts, Esq., William 
Maugridge, Esq. (English). 

For York no one was appointed, but Conrad Weiser was 
instructed to find, on his next journey to the frontiers, 
proper persons in York who were to receive the appoint- 
ment of trustees. The original intention of the Trustees- 
general was to establish twenty-five schools among the 



45 

Germans in Pennsylvania. Eighteen (57:102) petitions 
were received for schools, but the records show that not 
more than twelve were ever established. This was due to 
lack of funds, an inadequate supply of teachers, and, in 
some cases, failure among the petitioners to agree on a lo- 
cation. The schools for girls were not considered as urgent 
and their establishment, with the exception of the school 
in New Providence where a few girls were taught reading 
and sewing by Mrs. Rabatan (57:93), was postponed indefi- 
nitely. All the schools established were boys' schools. 

The Reformed and Lutheran congregations of Vincent 
Township petitioned the Trustees for a school, December 
26th, 1754. The trustees granted the petition and ap- 
pointed Louis Ache (57:89), schoolmaster at £20 per 
annum. For better preparation in English he was to be 
sent to the Academy of Philadelphia at the expense of the 
Proprietaries. The local trustees appointed were: Sebas- 
tian Wagner and Peter Stager (Calvinists), Michael Heil- 
man and Conrad Shreiner (Lutherans), Samuel Hover and 
Richard Richardson (English). 

At the same meeting a similar petition was received 
from Upper Salford Township, Montgomery County. Rev- 
erend Frederick Schultz, the Lutheran minister, was 
chosen to teach the school at £30 per annum. 

The inhabitants of Lancaster (57:9of) petitioned the 
Trustees-general for a charity school in which the chil- 
dren of the poor were to be taught the English language, 
and as some of the parents desired to have their children 
instructed in Latin and Greek but had not the means to 
support a separate master for the purpose, they requested 
that a teacher be appointed who was "acquainted with 
these learned languages." To aid the Society in establish- 
ing such a special school, sixteen of the most substantial 
citizens of Lancaster, English and German, subscribed as 
follows : 

Per Annum. 
Edward Shippen, 2 scholars, though he has none to 

send £6 o o 

Simon Kuhn, 2 scholars 6 o o 

George Gibson, 2 scholars 6 o o 

Michael Utt, 1 scholar 3 o o 

Emanuel Carpenter, 1 scholar 3 o o 

George Ross, 1 scholar 3 o o 

George Craig and James Wright, I scholar 3 o o 

Michael Gross, 1 scholar 3 o 

Jacob Good, 1 scholar 3 o o 

William Sloon, no scholar 1 10 



4 6 

Per Annum. 

Jacob Eichholtz, i scholar 3 o o 

John Jacob Loeser, no scholar i 10 o 

Bernard Hubley, I scholar 3 o o 

Jacob Huber 3 o o 

Sebastian Graff 3 ° o 

George Graff 3 o o 

£54 o o 

This school (57:93) was opened the 1st of July, 1755, 
with Reverend Samuel Magaw as master. The trustees 
granted him the privilege to teach Latin and Greek to the 
children of those who had subscribed. In addition to the 
regular salary, he was allowed £25 to employ an assistant. 

Rev. Schlatter opened the school in New Providence 
on February 16th, 1755. Charles Cornelius Rabatan was 
chosen master at £25 per annum, and his wife received 
£10 to teach eighteen poor children reading and sewing. 
On the 5th of March, of the same year, Schlatter opened a 
school in Reading. Conrad Weiser, in behalf of the sob- 
riety, opened schools in Heidelberg and Tulpehocken, 
April 1st, 1755. John Davies, from Ireland, was selected 
to teach the schools at £30 per annum. The school in 
Easton was opened May 16th, with John Middleton mas- 
ter, at an annual salary of £30. 

In August, 1755, Mr. Sampson Smith (33:218), the 
moderator of the Pennsylvania Presbytery, opened a 
school at Chesnut Level, under the direction of the Trus- 
tees-general. Francis Alison (33:227), who subsequently 
became Professor of Moral Philosophy in the Academy 
of Philadelphia, was chosen master, at an annual salary 
of £20, and his assistant was granted £15 per annum. 
Messrs. Boyd and McDowell, Moses Irwin, James Mar- 
shal, Martin Beam and Jacob Graft were appointed deputy 
trustees, and were instructed to "visit the school every 
quarter, the third Tuesday, commencing with the third 
Tuesday of August" (33:174). 

The letter of the Trustees-general, dated September 
24th, 1756, to the London Society, shows that the early 
success of these schools was equal to their expectations. 
The trustees say (57:140), "Upon the whole, they are in 
as promising a State as can reasonably be expected in a 
country so much harassed by a Savage Enemy, and sub- 
ject to so many alarms to disturb that Peace and Tran- 
quillity which are so essentially necessary to the Cultiva- 
tion of Knowledge. You are already informed that three 
of the schools We had planted have for some time past 



47 

been entirely broken up, being near the Frontiers, where 
the People for near a year have been flying from Place 
to Place, and but little fixed in their Habitations." Tak- 
ing into consideration the unsettled condition of the Prov- 
ince at this time, the attendance of these schools speaks 
well for the earnestness in which these early settlers strove 
to educate their children. The report of the Society for 
1759 gives the total enrollment (15:452): 

Number of 
"Place. Scholars (Boys). 

i. At New Providence, Philadelphia Co., almost all Germans 50 

2. At Upper Dublin, Philadelphia Co., one-third Germans. . . 48 

3. At Northampton, Bucks Co., all Low Dutch 60 

4. At Lancaster, Lancaster Co., nearly one-half Germans... 65 

5. At York, York Co., more than one-half Germans 66 

6. At New Hanover, Berks Co., all Germans 45 

7. At Reading, Berks Co., more than one-half Germans 36 

8. Chestnut Level, Lancaster Co., Presbytery school for edu- 

cating the youth for the ministry 25 

Total 440 

N. B. — These numbers were taken just after the harvest, 
when the schools were but thin. In winter the numbers edu- 
cated in this Charity often amount in all to nearly 600, and have 
amounted to 750, before the schools at Easton and Codorus were 
broken up by the Indian incursions.* Upwards of two-thirds are 
of German parentage." 

The section of the State in which these schools were 
established embraced almost the entire territory in which 
German settlements were to be found. Dr. Smith took 
a deep interest in the movement, and counted it an honor 
to be its responsible head. On the 12th of March, 1759, 
the University of Oxford conferred upon him the degree 
of Doctor of Divinity (57:199). One of the recommenda- 
tions given by the authorities for bestowing the honor 
was, "That the said William Smith is also a Trustee for 
the Free Schools, lately erected, among the vast Body of 
his Majesty's German Subjects on the Frontiers of Penn- 
sylvania, and Colonies adjacent, by an honorable Society 
in London; in order to instruct the Children of the said 
Germans, in the English Tongue and Principles of Prot- 
estantism, and defeat the wicked Designs of the French 
and Papish Emissaries that swarm among them; to which 
pious Work his sacred Majesty has been a generous and 
constant Benefactor. 

* The report makes no mention of the school at Tulpe- 
hocken which was broken up in a similar manner. 



4 8 

"That in Consequence of this Trust, the said William 
Smith has, besides the Youth of the College, upwards of 
700 children continually under his care, in different parts 
of the Country ; that he visits them frequently in their sev- 
eral schools, pays the Master's salaries, and superintends 
the Execution of the whole Design." 

During the first two years the schools were visited reg- 
ularly by Superintendent Schlatter and Dr. Smith. Some 
of the other members of the Trustees-general paid them 
occasional visits on their journeys to the frontiers (57:140). 
In March, 1757, Schlatter, who had resigned his commis- 
sion as Superintendent the latter part of 1756, was ap- 
pointed one of the chaplains of the Royal American regi- 
ment on military duty in Nova Scotia (65:18). He hav- 
ing resigned as Superintendent of the Charity Schools, the 
entire care of these schools was left to Dr. Smith and his 
associates. 

While the efforts of the London Society were directed 
primarily to the maintenance of schools, aid was also 
given to Lutheran and Calvinist ministers who gave re- 
ligious and secular instruction to the children of the Ger- 
man Colonists (57:94). The receipts of Dr. Smith, for 
the year 1755, show that Messrs. Weiss, Heiner and 
Schlatter, among the Reformed ministers, and Messrs. 
Handschuh and Muhlenberg, among the Lutheran minis- 
ters, received aid from the Society. The Minutes of the 
Coetus (34:143) of the Reformed churches in Pennsyl- 
vania prove conclusively that some of the ministers of 
the different Reformed congregations received annual 
sums of money from the Society, though quite irregularly 
toward the close of the Charity School movement (34:198). 
The Minutes of the Coetus, of June 17th, 1756, show that 
the following individual amounts were received from the 
London Society: 

Reverend Rieger £10 

" Weiss 10 

Leydich 10 

Stoy 10 

Otterbein 10 

Steiner 10 

" DuBois 10 

Lischy 10 

Waldschmidt 8 

Tempelman 3 

£91 



49 

This was the first donation the Coetus received in this 
manner, but that the Society continued to distribute 
money among ministers, as well as schoolmasters, is evi- 
dent from the following report of the Society for the year 
1758, dated January 25th, 1759 (65:17): 

1. To the salaries of schoolmasters and assistants, 

excessive of what is paid by the people £284 o 

2. Gratuities to six Lutheran ministers, who are em- 

ployed as catechists 53 ° ° 

3. Gratuities to twelve Calvinist ministers 107 o 

4. The expense of a printing-office, by which a Ger- 

man paper is carried on and Catechisms and 

other good books printed 120 o o 

5. To the German minister at Santee Forks, Carolina 20 o 

Total £584 

Or £380 sterling money. 

This report is of special value because of the fact that 
it gives the exact amount expended and the manner in 
which each item was accounted for. 

In addition to the foregoing activities it is of interest 
to note that the Presbyterians came to participate in a 
movement which was intended solely for the benefit of 
the Germans. 

A committee of the Presbyteries (33:173) of Philadel- 
phia, New Castle and Donegall, met November 16th, 
1743, and passed a resolution setting forth "the necessity 
of using speedy endeavors to educate youth for supply- 
ing our vacancies." Immediately after that date, the com- 
mittee opened a school at New London for the purpose 
stated above. At a meeting of the Presbyteries in Phila- 
delphia, May 25th, 1744, the committee laid the proposi- 
tion, to open a school, before the general body. The 
Synod of Philadelphia approved of the design, and took 
the school under their care. A board of trustees was ap- 
pointed "to inspect the master's diligence in, and method 
of, teaching; consider and direct what authors are chiefly 
to be read in the several branches of learning; to examine 
the scholars from time to time, as to their proficiency, 

etc." (33:i74-) 

To this academy were admitted the children of all per- 
sons who pleased to send them "and have them instructed 
gratis in the languages, philosophy and divinity." The 
maintenance of the school depended on such annual con- 
tributions as were made by the several congregations of 



50 

Synod. In May, 1755, when the contributions realized 
were found to be inadequate to continue the school any 
longer, the Presbytery (33:218) ordered, "That applica- 
tion be made to the trustees of the German schools to 
procure a sum of money to encourage our school, en- 
gaging to teach some Dutch children the English tongue 
and three or four boys Latin and Greek, if they offer 
themselves." Among the reasons offered why this bounty 
should be were (33:225): 1. That the school had for the 
past twelve years given free instruction "to all ranks and 
denominations that pleased to accept of the same;" 2. 
The encouragement of schools in the country, supplying 
them with masters, and keeping them under proper sup- 
ervision, would contribute much toward making this prov- 
ince a seat of learning in this part of the world and would 
aid greatly "the growth of the College in this city;" 3. 
"The school has been as free to the Germans as any other 
nation, and two of the Reformed ministers, born in this 
country, were educated there;" 4. The mother church in 
Scotland contributed largely to the common fund at the 
disposal of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel; 
5. The petitioners have at heart "the interests of religion, 
virtue and learning." 

Messrs. Cross and Alison were instructed to bear the 
petition to the Trustees-general and await their instruc- 
tions. The Synod promised that the school would at once 
be transferred from New London to Chesnut Level, if the 
trustees should grant their request. In compliance with 
their promise the transfer was made after the trustees re- 
ported favorably on the petition. 

The Trustees-general (33:226) met June 14, 1755, at 
Judge Allen's house in Mount Airy. Messrs. Allen, 
Peters, Franklin, and Smith were present and took action 
on the petition of the Synod. The objection was offered 
by the trustees, "that to grant the petition in favour of an 
English Synod, might give offence to the 'Germans, who 
generally considered this charity as intended solely for 
their own particular benefit. The trustees were also of 
opinion that it did not fall directly under the great design 
for promoting the English tongue among the Germans." 
These objections were not of sufficient consequence to 
counterbalance all the reasons urged by the Synod for the 
granting of financial aid. The trustees voted the Synod 



5i 

twenty-five pounds currency for one year on the follow- 
ing conditions (33 :227) : 

1. "That it shall be under the same common government 
with the other free schools, and subject to the visitations 
of the trustees-general or their deputies, appointed on the 
recommendation of the Synod. 

2. "That the master shall teach four Dutch or English 
gratis, upon the recommendation of the trustees-general, 
to be prepared for the ministry, and ten poor Dutch chil- 
dren in the English tongue gratis, if so many offer. 

3. "That the deputy trustees, together with the master, 
and any of the clergy, visit the school, at least once a quar- 
ter, and send down a statement thereof to be transmitted 
by the general trustees to the honorable Society." 

The Trustees-general notified the London Society of the 
action they had taken in regard to the petition presented 
by the Presbyterian Synod of Philadelphia. A letter which 
Dr. Smith received, September 14, 1757, from Dr. Chandler 
(33 :22g), Secretary of the London Society, explained in 
detail the answer of the Society to the petition : 

"November 27, last, upon the petition of the Synod of 
Pennsylvania, and the recommendation of our trustees, 
we have agreed to allow thirty pounds sterling per annum, 
toward the support of the school mentioned to be erected 
by them, from midsummer before that date. And I have 
purchased and packed up, among other books, a large num- 
ber of English Primers and Spelling Books for their use, 
and that of the German children, which I hope will soon be 
sent over to you ; as soon, at least, as I can get a safe con- 
veyance." 

That the Synod continued to receive aid from the Lon- 
don Society is evident from the minutes of the Presbytery, 
dated May 20, 1762. Doctor Alison (33:315) informed the 
Synod that he still had some money left out of the German 
fund for supporting the school, but that "the fund for the 
German emigrants is now exhausted, and it is supposed 
that any other supplies from the fund can hardly be ex- 
pected." This appears to be the last statement to be found 
in the Records of the Presbytery of any financial aid the 
Presbytery school at Chesnut Level received from the 
London Society. 



CHAPTER IV. 

FAILURE AND THE CAUSES OF FAILURE. 

After Schlatter had resigned as Superintendent of the 
schools, the Germans had no direct representation in the 
management of them. Conrad Weiser was still a member 
of the Trustees-general, but his duties as Indian Interpre- 
ter prevented his giving much time and attention to the 
education of the Germans. On the other hand, Schlatter 
(65:18) had encountered so much opposition from the Ger- 
mans on account of the attacks of Saur upon him through 
the medium of editorials which appeared in the latter's in- 
fluential newspaper and by private letters addressed by 
Saur to his friends that he resigned his commission the 
latter part of 1756.* 

On account of the liberal policy of its founder, Pennsyl- 
vania was made up of more diverse nationalities than any 
other colony. Every creed and nationality found here the 
same welcome. In Philadelphia and the surrounding coun- 
ties — Philadelphia, Chester and Bucks, the Quakers set- 
tled. Encircling this section, were the Germans who occu- 
pied the extreme limits of the counties named, and large 
sections of Lancaster, Berks and Northampton counties. 
The Scotch-Irish Presbyterians pushed their settlements 
to the frotiers west of these. Among the English was a 
small element belonging to the Church of England. 
Among the German settlers, the Mennonites, Moravians, 
Dunkers, Schwenkfelders, and the remainder of those 
Quietist Sects, held to religious principles which were 
much the same as those of the Quakers. They regarded 
it unlawful to bear arms or take oaths. In consequence, 
these Germans formed political affiliations with the 
Quakers. Christopher Saur was identified with the 
Dunkers, and used his press as a means to keep the 
Quakers dominant in the state assembly. This guaranteed 
a continuation of the peace policy adopted by Penn and 
his successors. On the other hand, the leaders among the 
Scotch-Irish Presbyterians, the Church of England, and 
those Germans who belonged to the Lutheran and Re- 

*See p. 48. 



53 

formed faiths, were not opposed to war. These groups 
advocated the establishment of state military defenses. 
In opposition to the peaceful policy which the Quakers 
stood for in administering- the affairs of state, theyljecame 
known as the war-party. 

Saur saw in the Charity School movement a project to 
array the forces of organized religion against those groups 
of sects that had no formal ecclesiastical organization. He 
further regarded it as an attempt to promote the interests 
of the war-party in the state. This appears in a letter* to 
a "Dear Friend," dated September 16, 1755 (48), in which 
he says, "I have received your welcome letter and have 
answered the same by the bearer. Since then it has oc- 
curred to me whether it could really be true that Gilbert 
Tennent, Schlatter, Peters, Hamilton, Allen, Turner, 
Schippen, Schmitt (Smith), Franklin, Muhlenberg, Brunn- 
holtz, Handschuh, etc., have the slightest concern for the 
ignorant Germans in Pennsylvania with a view of their real 
conversion, or whether the institution of free schools is not 
rather the means to bring the country into a feeling of 
turmoil and unrest, etc. Since each one of them has his 
own grand proposition and private gain involved, and 
seeks what concerns Hamilton, Peters, Allen, Turner, 
Schippen and friends, therefore, I know that they concern 
themselves little about religion and the culture of the 
minds of the Germans, but that (the Germans) shall offer 
their services in the militia and defend their property for 
them. Such people do not know what it is to believe and 
trust in God. Their riches is their God. Their mortifica- 
tion is complete when they are unable to compel the peo- 
ple to protect their gods. Tennent may well firmly believe 
that his religion is the best, and if, with Schlatter's aid, it 
can be brought about that English ministers are provided 
on a salary for the Germans and that one appoints such 
ministers in Philadelphia, presses into service and sets 
apart such God-fearing men in New Jersey, then will Ten- 
nent have honor: Schlatter, sustenance. The Germans, to 
the satisfaction of their benefactors, will elect, without fail, 
Hamilton, Peters, Schippen, Allen, Turner, &c, &c, to the 
assembly. These may make a law with R. H. M. f for the 
construction of a military fortress, its equipment with sol- 
diers, *****, or fix the salaries for ministers and teachers 

* Original in possession of Dr. M. G. Brumbaugh. 
f Governor Robert Hunter Morris. 



54 

so that in the future it is no longer necessary to write let- 
ters of appeal to Halle giving reports of battles, of which 
letters they must hereafter be ashamed here, and they will 
be looked upon as liars when their letters are sent back to 
them in print. Fiat: Thus we get all of ours back and to 
this purpose there is no better pretense than the poor Ger- 
mans." 

The suspicions thus aroused among the Germans, that 
selfish motives actuated the promoters of the Charity 
School movement, were sufficient to alienate not only 
those of them who were opposed to war on account of 
their religious tenets, but also many others who frowned 
upon any form of duplicity the practice of which would af- 
fect them in any way. It was undoubtedly with the pur- 
pose in view of winning back the element that had been 
alienated in this manner that Conrad Weiser and Christo- 
pher Saur, Jr., attempted, in 1759, to induce Reverend J. 
J. Zubly, of South Carolina, to accept the superintendency 
of the schools. Zubly was, in all probability, the most 
eminent Reformed preacher in America (13:202). He did 
not belong to any particular synod. He had the good will 
of all the Germans. The elder and the younger Saur held 
him in high esteem (48). They regarded him as a man who 
was always guided by the purest motives. In a letter* of 
Dr. Zubly's to Christopher Saur, Jr., dated August, 1759 
(49), it is evident that Zubly had been asked to consider 
the acceptance of directing these educational activities 
among the Pennsylvania Germans. Subsequent to the re- 
ceipt of Zubly's letter Saur wrote to Conrad Weiser and 
enclosed the postscript of Zubly's letter in which Zubly 
says, "If you do not receive a further reply soon you may 
tell Mr. Weiser, meanwhile, that if the Trustees desire that 
I should, by God's will, undertake a visit to you, then 
everything needful of discussion can be presented at my 
arrival. 

"In order that my congregation and friends may not 
think that I desire only to wander back and forth under a 
false pretense, let the Trustees inform me through their 
Secretary that they think I could be of service to them in 
furthering their design (if they really think so)." Saur, 
at the close of his letter to Weiser supplements Zubly's 
postscript as follows : ''Such have I desired to impart to 
you in case the question came up for consideration in its 



* Original in possession of Dr. M. G. Brumbaugh. 



55 

appropriate place in Philadelphia ; and if they (the trustees) 
should decide to write to him that it might be so arranged 
that his congregation and friends may see that he does 
not of his own choice journey back and forth." The sub- 
sequent history of the "scheme" to educate the Germans 
does not show that the Trustees-general took any action 
upon the proposition of Weiser and Saur. If the proposi- 
tion had been carried out, the Society would have been 
strengthened in its efforts by the powerful influence of 
Saur and his press. Thus the success of the movement 
would, in all probability, have been assured. Failure to 
take advantage of this opportunity to reconcile the two 
forces which were both striving to accomplish the same 
end, namely, the education of the Germans, resulted in a 
further disintegration of effort. 

The Minutes of the Coetus (34:198) of the Reformed 
Church, dated June 25th, 1761, show that the schools es- 
tablished by the Society were fast passing out of existence. 
The report of the Coetus to the Synod in Holland states 
that "Regarding the free schools, we can hardly say any- 
thing, because the entire matter has been taken out of our 
hands. In general we can say that there are still three 
schools of which we know ; two of them are all English 
and one half-German." With the year 1763 the support 
of the King ceased. Secular as well as religious instruc- 
tion fell wholly into the care of the church. 

The history of the close of the Charity School movement 
is closely identified with the history of the University of 
Pennsylvania. This is due to the fact that, with the excep- 
tion of Conrad Weiser, all the members of the Trustees- 
general who were in charge of the movement, were con- 
nected with "The College and Academy of the City of 
Philadelphia." Dr. Smith was the Provost; Hamilton, 
Allen, Franklin and Peters were trustees of that institu- 
tion. 

The last reference to the free schools in Pennsylvania, 
and the manner in which the funds realized from outstand- 
ing debts were applied, appear in the old records of the 
University. Among the Minutes of the Trustees (25:258^, 
dated April 12th, 1764, is to be found a letter written by 
Dr. Samuel Chandler to Reverend Peters, in which he 
says, "As the Schools, etc., are now at End, though I 
could have obtained his Majestie's Bounty, for ye Con- 
tinuance of them, had it been of any Consequence to have 
upheld them longer. You Sr and ye Rest of the Worthy 



56 

Trustees have my most warm and sincere thanks for ye 
Care and Integrity you have shown in this Affair, and I 
will take Care you have ye Acknowledgment of the Society 
upon their first Meeting. Your last Account I have re- 
ceived, against which there can be no possible Exception. 
We have yet some Money left, which I shall use my En- 
deavors shall be for the most part applied to the Use of 
the College. You will do extremely well to appropriate 
whatever outstanding Debts may Come into the Use of 
ye Charity Schools, for which Purpose I intend to keep 
in my hands a small sum, that yet remains with me, for 
which I shall desire at a proper Time to be drawn on." 
The trustees of the College acknowledged the receipt of 
Dr. Chandler's letter, June 14th, 1764, and thanked him 
for his "Kindness in allowing the Residue of the Fund for 
the German Schools in this Province, to be applied to the 
Use of the Charity School belonging to this Institution, 
and acquainting us in your Letter to our President, the 
ARevd. Mr. Peters that you have some Money of this Fund 
left in your Hands for which you will desire us to draw 
at a proper time" (25:266). 

The meeting of the Trustees of the College held Decem- 
ber 19th, 1769 (26:13), Messrs. Laurence, Chew, Peters and 
Duche being present, resulted in further action being taken 
as to the disposition of the funds realized from the manage- 
ment of the German schools. The item in the Minutes of 
the Trustees which refers to the matter in question bears 
the following import: "In Pursuance of a Letter from Rev. 
Dr. Chandler, late of the Old Jewry London, to Reverend 
Mr. Peters, dated London April 20, 1763, & produced to 
the Board, ordering the Residue of the Money that might 
be in Mr. Peters Hands after settling all accounts relative 
to the German Schools, to be paid to the Trustees of the 
College for the Use of the Charity School; Mr. Peters now 
reported on the Settlement of his Accounts there re- 
mained in his Hands the Sum of Eighty-Eight Pounds, 
Twelve shillings and four Pence, which he was ready to 
pay to the Trustees. 

"Mr. Peters & Dr. Smith, further informed the Trustees, 
that Dr. Chandler & the other Trustees for the German 
Schools in England, had likewise ordered all the monies 
that might arise on the outstanding Debts, due for German 
News-Papers, Almanacs, Catechisms, & other Profits from 
the German Press not yet settled, to be applied towards 
the Use of the Charity School, as far as they could be col- 



57 

lected; and that a large sum remained due, which Messrs. 
Weiss & Miller* had engaged to collect, but it was be- 
lieved had neglected it. 

"The Trustees request that Mr. Hamilton, Mr. Allen, 
Mr. Peters and Dr. Smith, who formerly had the Manage- 
ment of the German Charity, would get these Accounts 
settled with Messrs. Weiss & Miller & the outstanding 
debts collected and report accordingly to the Trustees as 
soon as possible." 

The "Day-Book" of the Academy of Philadelphia (i 194), 
under date of May 16th, 1770, shows that the money which 
Reverend Peters had in his possession was paid to the 
Academy as had been agreed upon. The item is as fol- 
lows: 

To Account of Subscriptions of Mr. Peters — the 
Balance of his Account with the Society for 
erecting German Schools in the Province of 
Pennsylvania £88 I2S 4d 

The records kept in the University Archives contain no 
further reference to any sum or sums of money which were 
expected to be realized from the products of the printing- 
press and the other profits spoken of. There are no avail- 
able sources to show conclusively that any additional 
amounts were ever collected or, if collected, turned into 
the University treasury for the use of the Charity School 
connected with the institution; although such was the evi- 
dent purpose of the Trustees. 

The sudden collapse of this movement was remarkable. 
Here was a movement of far-reaching consequences had 
it rested on sound bases. One must be impressed with the 
general conception of this system of education. There 
were two responsible bodies which controlled its manage- 
ment: one in England and one in America. To insure 
closer supervision the responsible board of managers in 
Pennsylvania was assisted by local deputy-trustees and a 
personal representative known as the Superintendent. The 
qualifications of teachers was of a high standard — a fact 
all the more singular because of the early period in which 
the system was inaugurated. The courses of study and 
the manner in which schools were established were exceed- 
ingly liberal. Taking it all through, in no other colony 
had such a perfectly wrought out system of education 

*See p. 39. 



58 

been projected. It must be evident to everyone who 
studies the system that the cause of its failure did not lie 
in the system per se but that other causes must have 
worked its downfall. 

Beginning with the year 1760 (34:193), the donations of 
the London Society became so irregular that the support 
of the schools depended almost entirely on the poor Ger- 
mans of the communities in which the schools were estab- 
lished. Most of these Germans (34:203) had large families 
and those who were poor or in moderate circumstances 
could not afford to devote much money to educational 
purposes. The well-to-do were comparatively few. This 
was due in large measure to the fact that large groups of 
poor immigrants were annually arriving from Germany. 
The first problem the German had to face was how he 
might, to the best advantage, clear a few acres of ground 
and earn a livelihood. The education of his children was 
of minor importance so long as the home was not secure. 
The opposition, due to less important considerations, 
which this plan of education met is summed up in Saur's 
letter, previously referred to, in which he says (48) : 

"I live here, as it were, on the corner and hear many 
people express their thoughts. One says : 'My conscience 
troubles me to have my children educated out of the funds 
of the poor, because I do not need it and am able to pay 
for it.' Others say that where so many children assemble 
there the child learns from the other something bad be- 
fore it learns the good. I'll teach my own children read- 
ing and writing, and am sorry that others visit them. 
Others say : Tf the German children learn to speak Eng- 
lish and associate with others, then, they will wish to be 
dressed after the English fashion. One has great difficulty 
to remove from their minds these foolish notions.' Others 
say: 'Poor people have no advantage from the benevo- 
lence of the King and the Society, if they do not build a 
school-house every ten miles and keep a teacher. For if a 
child is obliged to go to, and return from, a school more 
than five miles distant, it is too far to go there in the morn- 
ing and return again in the evening. Poor people are not 
able to let their children be boarded, nor can they clothe 
them properly to go to school with those of high rank, so 
that this privilege belongs only to the rich and to the Eng- 
lish. The people are to petition to their temporal and 
eternal ruin.' " No doubt all of the objections offered in 
Saur's letter were valid reasons for some of the Germans 



59 

to remain indifferent to the Charity School movement, but 
the vital opposition the "scheme" encountered was due to 
the fact that back of it all lurked motives, the carrying out 
of which, involved the language as well as the political and 
religious interests of the Germans. 

It has already been stated that the managers of the 
movement did not take Saur into their confidence, but, on 
the contrary, set up a press in opposition to him. Saur, 
however, with keen-sighted vision, dissected the system of 
education projected by the Society and exposed to his 
countrymen, by means of his newspaper and private let- 
ters to influential friends, the real motives for its establish- 
ment. Although this new press was avowedly the cham- 
pion of the Society's educational propaganda, it is a fact 
that within the two and one-half years in which the "Phil- 
adelphische Zeitung" was printed not one editorial, in the 
copies of this paper available, appeared in defense of the 
Charity School movement. 

Dr. Smith, as has already been pointed out, submitted 
the "scheme" of education to the Society in London. That 
same scheme formulated by him in greater detail in the 
"Brief History of the Rise and Progress of the Charitable 
Scheme, &c," was adopted by the Trustees-general. It 
will be remembered that one of the qualifications set forth 
in that Brief was that "The Youth will be instructed in 
both the English and German languages."* How this item 
was carried out may be evinced by an item in the Minutes 
of the Reformed Coetus (34:157), dated August 24, 1757: 
"Now with regard to the schools, we can do but little to 
promote them, since the Directors try to erect nothing but 
English schools, and care nothing for the German lan- 
guage. Hence, now as before, the Germans themselves 
ought to look out for their schools, in which their children 
may be instructed in German." This actual state of affairs 
was in complete harmony with "the great design for pro- 
moting the English tongue among the Germans."f Here 
was a patent attempt to -take away from the Germans 
their language — a treasure which they guarded as jeal- 
ously as their religious rights. They were far from being 
"totally ignorant." Such an insinuation seems wholly un- 
warranted when the facts in the case show that the great 
majority of them could read and write. Although most 



*See p. 41. 
fSee p. 50. 



6o 

of them had only a fair amount of intelligence, the scholar 
was not absent in their number. Such men as Pastorius, 
Rittenhouse, Schlatter, Muhlenberg, Weiser, Peter Miller, 
Saur, Dock, and Zinzendorf bear comparison with an equal 
number of scholars among other nationalities in Colonial 
Pennsylvania. The statement that the German immigrants 
were "the most stupid of their nation" scarcely bears in- 
vestigation when it is remembered that printing-presses 
flourished among them, that newspapers, almanacs and 
books abounded in the majority of German homes. 

It is a safe inference that the children of the German im- 
migrants, on account of the lack of opportunity in many 
instances to get an education, were intellectually inferior 
to their parents, but the various denominations made pro- 
vision for these as fast as the German settlements in any 
community were sufficiently numerous to establish schools 
and churches. Where this was impossible ignorance was 
inevitable. These people saw in the Charity School project 
a scheme to rob them of their language and literature. 
This caused them to oppose it. 

It is evident that there was ample need for such a 
"scheme" as that of the Charity Schools, but its operation 
brought the movement under suspicion and open opposi- 
tion because of its perverted aims. The repression of the 
German language was but the initial step to inculcate 
political principles. The Germans who had hitherto op- 
posed war, either on religious grounds or on the assump- 
tion that an anti-war standard was synonymous with a 
no-tax standard, were chary of any movement of the Trus- 
tees-general, nearly all of whom were among the leaders 
of the political party which favored a strong military de- 
fense of the frontiers. The statement that there was a 
widespread danger that the Germans were on the verge of 
joining the French Catholics to expel the English, can 
only be regarded as a means to raise funds to establish a 
movement one of whose ulterior purposes was to fortify 
the war-party against the Quakers and those Germans 
who voted with the Quakers. That there can be no ques- 
tion that such political purposes were uppermost in the 
minds of the trustees is evinced by the fact that the 
printing-press established by them was used for printing 
(55 :48f) "Rules and Articles of War." The Germans, by 
means of Saur's warnings and their own practical fore- 
sight, detected the trend of affairs and, for the most part, 



6i 

refused to have anything further to do with the Charity 
Schools. , 

The efforts of Messrs. Smith and Peters to promote by 
means of this educational system the interests of the > 
Church of England constituted another factor which con- 
tributed largely to the early abandonment of the entire 
plan. It inevitably led to a lack of patronage. This mo- 
tive appears again and again in the correspondence of 
these men. A few examples will serve to justify this 
statement. 

In a letter which Dr. Smith (57:145) wrote to the 
Bishop of Oxford, November 1st, 1756, he speaks of the 
need of establishing missions on the frontiers to prevent 
the "disaffected Germans" from joining with the "French- 
German" colony settled in the State. Continuing, he 
says, "It was from the same apprehension I so warmly 
pressed, and so earnestly engaged in, the scheme for 
planting English schools among our Germans, which now 
flourish as well as the distracted state of the Country per- 
mits; and Your Lordship may depend, that they shall al- 
ways be conducted with 'a due regard to the interests of 
the Church of England.' For, in truth, it is but one part 
of the same noble scheme in which the venerable Society 
are engaged; and wherever there are missionaries near 
any of the schools, they are either employed as Masters, 
or named among the deputy trustees and Managers of 
the school. In short, till we can succeed in making our 
Germans speak English and become good Protestants, I 
doubt we shall never have a firm bold on them. For this 
reason, the extending the means of their instruction, as 
far as they extend their settlement, is a matter that de- 
serves our most attentive consideration. I am pleased 
therefore that your Lordship, and the Society, have given 
me leave to mention such other places on the frontiers as 
may be fit to place Missionaries in, so that the Kingdom 
of Christ may keep pace in its growth, with the growth 
of the English Colonies. This liberty I shall not fail to 
make due use of, and likewise offer a scheme for uniting 
with the Church, all the German Lutherans of ^this Coun- 
try; which I am sure would easily take effect." 

The Church of England in Pennsylvania was weaker in 
number than most of the other religious denominations; 
in consequence, those who stood high in the councils of 
the Church in the Province were anxious to give it a more 
significant position. 



62 

In 1765, Reverend Richard Peters (32:433), the treas- 
urer of the German fund, sent to the Bishop of London a 
letter of introduction with Dr. Charles Magnus Wrangel, 
the provost of the Swedish Churches in America from 
I 759 to 1768, in which he proposes a plan to unite with 
the Church of England the German Lutherans and the 
Swedes : "Dr. Wrangel wants to take a just advantage of 
this general antipathy to the Presbyterians, and to unite 
the great body of Lutherans and Swedes with the Church 
of England, who, you know, are but few and in mean cir- 
cumstances in this province, but, were they united with 
the German Lutherans, we should both become respect- 
able. This Dr. Smith and I think may be done by the 
means of our academy. We might have a professorship 
of divinity opened in it wherein German and English 
youth might be educated, and by having both languages 
as a part of their education they might preach both in 
German and English in such places where there is a mix- 
ture of both nations. This would conciliate us all and 
make us live and love as one nature. It is a happy 
thought. I wish your lordship would talk with Dr. Wran- 
gel and encourage it all you can." 

Reverend Thomas Barton (32:267), another clergyman 
in Pennsylvania belonging to the Church of England went 
so far, in 1764, as to suggest compulsory measures to 
efifect a complete incorporation of the Germans with the 
English Church. In a letter to the Society for the Prop- 
agation of Religion in Foreign Parts, he says: "The Ger- 
mans in general are well affected to the Church of Eng- 
land, and might easily be brought over to it. A law 
obliging them to give their children an English Educa- 
tion, which could not be deemed an abridgment of their 
liberty (as British Subjects), would soon have this effect." 

Saur was undoubtedly wrong in his charge that Ten- 
nent, Schlatter, Peters, Hamilton, Allen, etc., were in- 
terested in the movement for merely selfish ends, but he 
was right in so far as he acquainted the Germans with 
the real purposes of this educational project. These 
were the underlying motives which Saur exposed. He 
influenced the great body of Germans against the scheme 
which was intended for their education. In his opinions 
the general sentiment of the Germans was crystallized. 
No doubt Dr. Smith and his associates were sincere in 
their efforts to educate the Germans. The funds raised 
and expended for this purpose, the time and energy de- 



63 

voted by the London Society and its agents to make the 
"scheme" a success, were far too great to warrant any 
other conclusion. But it is evident that the motives set 
forth that the "Charitable Scheme" was intended to bet- 
ter the intellectual and moral conditions were alloyed 
with political and ecclesiastical aspirations. On the other 
hand, Saur and the German constituency which he rep- 
resented through the medium of his press, resented what 
was not open and above board. They were not opposed 
to the English language, nor to education, nor to the Royal 
and the Provincial governments. They loved their language. 
They were eager to obtain a common school education 
sufficient to pursue their occupation successfully. Though 
there was an undesirable element among them, the great 
majority of them were respectable citizens of the Com- 
monwealth. There were many religious denominations 
among them, and each denomination held tenaciously to 
its own creed. To represent them in any other light than 
what has just been stated, to attempt to force them 
blindly into a political allegiance the equity of which they 
had not been led to see, to interfere with their religious 
tenets; — meant open opposition. This was the fate of the 
Charity School movement. Whether the Germans were 
right, under the circumstances, in the position they took 
on this question depends upon one's point of view. Con- 
strued in the light of national pride, integrity of language 
and religion, they pursued a natural course. But by 
standing aloof from a system which, if properly carried 
on, would have meant a more rapid unity among the 
different political elements in the state as well as greater 
opportunities for the Germans to rise in intellectual and 
political influence, they took a wrong step. 

Yet, the system was not without its good effects. It 
stimulated the Germans to maintain the integrity of their 
language and religion, to provide churches and schools 
for that purpose, to disprove the false charges affecting 
their loyalty to the government by the heroic part taken 
by them in the Revolutionary War. It also broke the 
ground for the establishment of public schools by legisla- 
tive enactment in 1834. 

The bearing of these Germans throughout this long, 
and to them vital contest, is ample vindication of the wis- 
dom of William Penn in inviting them into his province. 
True to the principles they had set up as standards, walk- 
ing in the light as they saw it, open to conviction but 



64 

averse to any form of coercion, they added strength to 
the state, honor to the nation. 

This is the greatest educational struggle in Colonial 
America. While divers creeds and nationalities of other 
colonies struggled to settle their differences with sword 
and bayonet, Pennsylvania true to the spirit of its founder 
unified her people, differing in nationality, religion and 
industrial pursuits, with the implements of peace, — the 
school, the church and the press. 



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